Simon Sayyid de Arabier alias Simon Mockadon / Mandadoor (fl. 1673-1683) – Africaanse Caffer, een Madagascarees and Vrij-geboren Arabier at the Cape of Good Hope[1]
by Mansell G. Upham ©
The English prize Johanna Catharina – renamed Helena by the Dutch – captured off the Atlantic island of St. Helena with 240 Malagasy slaves, arrives (12 March 1673) at the Dutch VOC-occupied Cape of Good Hope with 184 slaves disembarking.[2] Amongst these captured slaves is a remarkable individual:
Simon Arabier en Madagascaansen Tolck anno 1673 met de fluijt Helena aen’t Eijlant Sta. Helena genomen en alhier aangebraecht.
A member of one of the Arab or Muslim trading colonies on Madagascar, in the Comoros and along the East coast of Africa, and familiar with the English slave trading in the region, he is soon utilised from the Cape of Good Hope as interpreter for the Malagasy slave trade as he can speak Arabic, Malagasy and English. He is recorded variously in VOC records as:
- Simon Mockodan[3]
- Sijman / Sijmon / Syman Mandadoor[4] Africaanse caffer en Vrij-geboren Arabier
- Sijmon de Arabier alias Sayyid[5]
He is appointed mandoor of the Company’s Malagasy slaves, takes on a Company slave as concubine by whom he has children[6], and is granted (11 November / December 1676) a garden in Table Valley.[7] He then accompanies and actively participates (1676-1681) in four slave trading voyages to Madagascar.
Cape Governor IJsbrand Goske sends (1767) him on the yacht Voorhout[8] but cautions that he may take “his passport under the soles of his feet”.[9] He nevertheless advises the Dutch on which trade goods to take along on the voyage: “… copper and other beads, copper wire, coarse red cloth, &c., as will further appear from the memorial made of them, which according to him are much desired there”. He is described as being “very apt to treat with the local inhabitants.”[10]
The Voorhout and Quartel return (December 1676 / January 1677) with slaves from Madagascar. The Voorhout trades at Magelage[11] and Marangaan[12], obtaining 279 slaves for which the average price is over 12 Reals. After refreshing at Anzuany [Anjouan], the vessel returns (29 November 1676) to the Cape with 257 slaves[13]:
“The slaves landed from the Voorhout this afternoon, among them a fair number of healthy male and female adults. After having been counted on the jetty by the Commissioners they were found to be 257 in number, babes included. At once each received a little cloth to cover their bodies, and afterwards all were provisionally lodged in a building at the Company’s brick kilns, and fed with good refreshing food, which these poor people were so fond of, and ate to the last crumb, so that nothing was left, notwithstanding an abundance had been distributed among them. These refreshments they will require for some time still in order to be thoroughly restored to health and strength.”[14]
Cape-born Abraham van Riebeeck (1653-1713), revisiting his birthplace (November 1676) witnesses the offloading of these Malagasy slaves brought to the Cape on Voorhout:[15]
“In the afternoon the slaves purchased at Madagascar were brought ashore, 257 in number, and given clothing. Among the slave-women many plump ones were to be seen, whom the sailors (it was said) had well looked after by day in return for their favours by night; these also were brought ashore, and could not part from the sailors without weeping and wailing …”
The Voorhout brings so great a number of weak and sickly Madagascar slaves that, according to Victor de Kock, Governor Bax decides to distribute them amongst the residents retaining 77 for the Company. This is done on the understanding that the Company would give out a loan for a full year to every needy colonist two male slaves and one female, suitably provided with clothes and covering. The hirer would be entitled to purchase monthly a parra (40 pounds) of rice. For every slave that died during the term he would pay to the Company, in order to share its loss, 12 and a half rixdollars. If at the expiration of the year all three, or two, of these slaves were still alive, the hirer would be given the opportunity of drawing lots with the Company to decide who should have first choice; and after the selection had been made the company would deliver to him, on payment of a nominal sum, any one of the remaining slaves as his property in perpetuity. All the slaves are eagerly snapped up by the residents and, 12 months later, when the latter were summoned before the Council to draw lots, they were told that it had been decided to excuse them from paying compensation for those who had died while in their employment and that any of the surviving ones could be purchased for 25 rixdollars each.[16]
The slaves are soon put to work:[17]
“The slaves brought us by the Voorhout (see 29 Nov:) having now, the sick excepted, fairly recovered and become strong, and also having been provided with clothing, have to-day been sent to work behind the Company’s Fortress in the clay pit. They appear to take kindly to the work, and will in time do good service to the Company”.
The situation on Madagascar is favourable for obtaining a large number of slaves:
“… but that nation is very strict on cash, without which no slave can be obtained there. They only accepted Mexican dollars (Realen), which they weigh on receipt, to see whether the weight agrees with their fancy (humeur). If not they reject it, hence if they (the officers) had been sufficiently provided with the aforesaid heavy standard coin (alloy), they would have been able to buy more slaves. When they were there, there were also 4 English ships, also for buying slaves, as well as 3 Arab vessels. The English intended to take their cargo to Barbadoes, and the Arabs theirs to Arabia”.[18]
It is not known whether Simon accompanies (1677) the slaves – 12 Malabarese slaves and an unnamed mandoor – sent from the Cape to Mauritius on the Kabeljauw … met een number van 12 Malabaarse lijffeijgenen en een moucquadon off hooft over deselve, ons jongst van Ceijlon toegebracht …[19]
Thereafter Simon again accompanies the Voorhout’s 2nd slave trading voyage to Madagascar.[20]
The Voorhout and Quartel return (29 January 1678) bringing 77 slaves from Madagascar – all under 16 years of age and 43 casualties – uijttematen miserable gestalt ende sieckelijck:
“All the said slaves were under the age of 16 … a time of life which experience and the English have taught us to be the best: for those who are older take to fretting, when they but think of their country, and soon die; whereas the young are light-hearted and frolicsome and thus preserve their health better”.[21]
When the Voorhout returns to Magelagie (1677), no competing English slavers are to be found except for another VOC ship, the Hassenburgh, sent from Batavia following the Voorhout’s previous success but buying slaves at a much higher price than the previous year and three Arab vessels there for slaves as well. The Arabs welcome the Dutch presence at this time, as does the ruler of Magelagie, Sultan Hamet Boebachar.[22] Before departing, the Voorhout’s ship’s council issues three Arab skippers sailing to Arabia and Muscat, Ajuijn Alim, Achmet Muzaret and Salem van Suratta each with a passport, should they encounter any other Dutch vessels. One of the three, is his own employee and the other, a man from Surat.[23]
As of 1676, Hamet Boebachar aka Boubarqan holds the title of Sultan. He is described as a circumcised Arab and dressed “in the Arab manner” with a turban, and a Muslim – as are most of the inhabitants of his town, although the inland population is not – and speaking “quite good” Portuguese, with most of his subjects (who include a number of petty rulers on the mainland), speaking Malagasy. He has a wife described as being either Arab or Swahili while also having several Malagasy concubines.[24] He was in written communication with a dignitary which the Dutch called the Cheriffa van Auzuanij (‘Sherif van Anjouan’) suggesting that Arabic script was being used for business and diplomatic correspondence between Antalaotra rulers.[25] His army numbers about 5000 soldiers plus their slaves. Hamet Boedachar’s power is limited to a small base on the coast at Mazalagem Nova which is later conquered (late 17th-century – maybe early 18th century) by Andrimandisoarivo, the Sakalava founder of the Boina Kingdom. Andrimandisoarivo’s invading army includes 20 soldiers – Anglo-Americans originally from the Province of New York.[26]
With an increased demand for slaves to work the newly-acquired gold mines at Salida / Sillida on the west coast of Sumatra, the VOC sends out (1678) ex Patria the Elisabeth[27] specifically for slaves to be shipped to Sumatra. Simon is indispensable to this voyage and he joins the Company’s dispenser and store-keeper Albert Jansz: van Breugel[28] acting as supercargo. A cargo worth more than 13 000 guilders is provided chiefly in the form of Mexican rixdollars. At Magelagie [Nosy Antsoheribory], 114 slaves are obtained with 51 dying before the ship reaches Batavia.
After the mission, Simon stays in the house of Governor-General Cornelis Speelman (1628 –1684)[29] before sailing ex Batavia with a return ship directly to Patria without stopping at the Cape.
After a sojourn in the Netherlands, Simon again participates in the special expedition of the Sillida[30] – a vessel expressly designed for the slave trade – accompanying her ex Patria on her voyage (1681). At this time 168 slaves are acquired at Magelagie and purchased at Manigaar [Bay of Bombetoka] – only 144 ultimately reach Sumatra with half of the survivors dying within four months of their arrival. The ship’s officers later admit that on this voyage “they would have been unable to govern the slaves” without Simon’s help.[31]
It is at this time, having arrived in Batavia, that Simon dies (1683). Cape Commander Simon van der Stel, on being informed of his death at Batavia, expresses regret for the loss in a missive (21 May 1684) to Batavia.[32] What becomes of his family is uncertain.
Following the important influx of Malagasy slaves at the Cape Colony from previous expeditions, “the loss of the deceased interpreter Simon the Arab could be adequately compensated with the Malagasy slaves present here, who speak our Dutch language fairly well.” As a consequence, most slaving expeditions now include a Malagasy slave from the Cape to serve as interpreter.[33]
[1] James C. Armstrong, ‘Madagascar and the slave trade in the seventeenth century’, Omaly sy Anio 17-20 (Antanararivo 1983-84), pp. 211-233. See also Rafael Thiebaut, ‘The Role of “Brokers” in the Dutch Slave Trade in Madagascar in the Eighteenth Century’ featured in Iain Walker, Manuel João Ramos, Preben Kaarsholm (eds.), Fluid Networks and Hegemonic Powers in the Western Indian Ocean ( Centro de Estudos Internacionais 2018), pp. 37-64.
[2] Karel Schoeman, Armosyn van die Kaap: Die Wêreld van ‘n Slavin, 1652–1733 (2001), pp. 518-9.
[3] Mockodan (‘overseer of a boat’s crew’) from mockadon from the Portuguese mocadão and Arabic mukaddam – vide Karel Schoeman, Early Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope 1652-1717 (Protea Book House, Pretoria 2007), p. 117; and S.P.E. Boshoff & G.S. Nienaber, Afrikaanse etimologieë (Suid-Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns, Pretoria 1967.
[4] Mandoor / Mandadoor corruption of mandor meaning ‘slave overseer’ – a term which would be translated into American English as ‘driver’ – and thus literally held the whip-hand over the other slaves possibly from Portuguese mando (‘command’, ‘order’), mandar (‘to order / command’), from Latin mandāre, present active indicative of mandō (‘order / commission’) – vide also Robert Ross, Sexuality and Slavery at the Cape in the Eighteenth Century: ‘mandoors’, or overseers of the Lodge; Robert Shell, Children of bondage, pp. 183-5; “Credit and Debt in the Lives of Freed Slaves at the Cape: the Case of Arnoldus Koevoet, 1697-1735” featured in Gywnn Campbell & Alessandro Stanziani (eds.), Financial History, no. 23: Bonded Labour and Debt in the Indian Ocean World, (Routledge 2013): Mandoors, usually Cape-born and of mixed (half-European) descent, were given separate accommodation in the Lodge and were responsible for work discipline, roll-calls, and the allocation of rations.
[5] Sayyid – also spelt Saiyed, Seyit, Seyd, Syed, Sayed, Sayyed, Saiyid, Seyed, al-Sayyed and Seyyed (Arabic: سيد [ˈsæj.jɪd], Persian: [sejˈjed]; meaning ‘Lord’, ‘Master’; plural: Sadat Arabic: سادة sādah is a masculine name given to descendants of the Islamic prophet Muhammad as a surname of Muslims recognized as his descendants through his grandsons, Hasan ibn Ali and Husayn ibn Ali, sons of Muhammad’s daughter Fatima and his cousin and son-in-law Ali (Ali ibn Abi Talib) [C. Van Arendonk; W.A. Graham (1960–2007): “Sharīf” in P. J. Bearman, Th. Bianquis; C. E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; W. P. Heinrichs (eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd Edition].
[6] No record of any concubine or children in Cape records has come to light.
[7] Anna J. Boëseken (ed.) Memoriën en instruction, 1657-1699 (S.A. Argiefstukke: Belangrike Kaapse dokumente I); Deeds Office (DO): G90 200 roeden – Syman Mandadoor. The land is later regranted (2 January 1697) – together with the gardens of free-blacks Louis van Bengale and Anthonij Jansz: van Bengale – to Olof Bergh (from Gothenburg, Sweden) – vide J. Leon Hattingh, ‘Grondbesit in Tafelvallei; deel 1, Die eksperiment vryswartes as groneienaars, 1652-1719’, Kronos, vol. 10 (1985), pp. 32-48.
[8] Voorhout crew: skipper: Adriaan van Asperen; 1st mate: Jan Cornelisz: Swanshoek / Swamhoeck; bookkeeper: Arnout Lammertszen; chirurgijn: Arnout Vogt; Dirck van Gravensteijn; Theunis Swartpaart; Theunisz / Anthonis Abra(ha)ms(en) (from Vlissingen); Johan Corten.
[9] Anna J. Böeseken (ed.) Memoriën en instruction, 1657-1699 (S.A. Argiefstukke: Belangrike Kaapse dokumente I), p. 135.
[10] Letter from Batavia to the Cape, 14 Oct 1684; WCA, C333; Instructions of the Voorhout, 1676. WCA, C 2337, f. 69; Rafael Thiebaut, ‘The Role of “Brokers” in the Dutch Slave Trade in Madagascar in the Eighteenth Century’ featured in Iain Walker, Manuel João Ramos, Preben Kaarsholm (eds.), Fluid Networks and Hegemonic Powers in the Western Indian Ocean ( Centro de Estudos Internacionais 2018), p. 15, n. 44. See also James C. Armstrong, ‘Madagascar and the slave trade in the seventeenth century’, Omaly sy Anio (Antanararivo 1983-84), pp. 17-20; P. Westra, & D. Sleigh, The taking of the slaver Meermin 1766 (Cape Town, Africana Publishers 2013), pp. 31–32.
[11] Nova Mazalagem / Magelage / Magelagie / Magelase / Maratange / Masaliet / Massailly / Massilige / Musselage / Mattatan / Matele / Mathewledge / Mathaledge / Matuledge – today Nosy Antsoheribory in Boina Bay. Mazalagem Nova was a major 17th-century trading depot located on Nosy Antsoheribory – an island in Boina Bay on the East coast of Madagascar. Founded (late 16th century) by people known in Madagascar as Antalaotra – merchant sailors, primarily originating in Swahili settlements along the African East coast with 6000-7000 residents (by 1650) – majority being Muslims. It was a centre for slave trade from Madagascar to Arabia. Exporters of slaves primarily come from Pate, Malindi, Lamu and Surat. Tortoise shell and wood were also purchased by these traders. Swahili was more widely spoken than Malagasy.
[12] Maningaande / Manigaar / Maningare / Maragaan / Maringaan – today Mahajanga / Majunga on the Betsiboka River leading into Bombetoka Bay.
[13] KA 3989, f. 7r. Voorhout brings from Madagascar 254 – 257 slaves (babes included) – also some adult men and women and children aged 6, 7 and 8 – but children aged 3, 4 and 5 were declined). There were 22 fatalities during the yacht’s return voyage.
[14] VOC Journal: Cape of Good Hope (30 November 1676).
[15] … sagh men vele vette , als denwelken de matrosen (volgens het seggen) om het genot bij nacht, des daeghs wat goets hadden gedaen, die dan ook aen landt gebracht werdende, niet sonder weenen en huylen van de matroosen scheyden konden …; Karel Schoeman, Armosyn van die Kaap: Die Wêreld van ‘n Slavin, 1652–1733 (2001), pp. 518-9; R. Raven-Hart, Cape Good Hope 1652-1702: The First 50 Years of Dutch Colonisation as seen by Callers (A.A. Balkema, Cape Town 1971), p. 194. Armstrong attributes this quote to J. Bax in a dispatch to the Lords XV11 (14 March 1677): Among the women one saw many fat ones, as the sailors (it is said) had pleasure by night for the kindnesses done by day, who when brought on land could not part from the sailors without much weeping and crying – James C. Armstrong, ‘Madagascar and the slave trade in the seventeenth century’, Omaly sy Anio 17-20 (Antanararivo 1983-84), pp. 211-233.
[16] Victor de Kock, 1950, Those in bondage: An account of the life of the slave at the Cape in the days of the Dutch East India Company (Timmins, Cape Town & George Allen and Unwin, London 1950), p. 35.
[17] VOC Journal: Cape of Good Hope (14 December 1676).
[18] VOC Journal: Cape of Good Hope (29 November 1676).
[19] CA: C 10, pp. 107-110 (12 April 1677); C 701: Mem. en Instr., 1673-1685, pp. 139-157; and C 660 (Scheeps- en andere Journalen, 1664-1688), pp. 129-335.
[20] Crew members on the Voorhout include: Johan Corten; Hubert Hoffen; Albert Jansz: van Breugel; bookkeeper: Arnout Lambertsz: and Erik Qulingh;and on the Quartel the skipper Cornelis Cornelisz: (from Rotterdam).
[21] Resolution of the Council of Policy (29 January 1678).
[22] KA 3990, f. 1011v (Voorhout’s Journal, 25 August 1677); James C. Armstrong, ‘Madagascar and the slave trade in the seventeenth century’, Omaly sy Anio 17-20 (Antanararivo 1983-84), pp. 211-233; Stephen Ellis, ‘The History of Sovereigns in Madagascar – New Light from Old Sources’ featured in Didier Nativel, Madagascar revisitée: en voyage avec Françoise Raison-Jourde (KARTHALA Editions, 2009), pp. 411-412.
[23] James C. Armstrong, ‘Madagascar and the slave trade in the seventeenth century’, Omaly sy Anio 17-20 (Antanararivo 1983-84), pp. 211-233; Stephen Ellis, ‘The History of Sovereigns in Madagascar – New Light from Old Sources’ featured in Didier Nativel, Madagascar revisitée: en voyage avec Françoise Raison-Jourde (KARTHALA Editions, 2009), pp. 411-412.
[24] Nationaal Archief (NA), The Hague, VOC 4012, fols. 704r-705v, Appendix: cort relas van situatie van ‘t eijlant magelage, etc., Journal of Voorhout, 1676-1677; Stephen Ellis, ‘The History of Sovereigns in Madagascar – New Light from Old Sources’ featured in Didier Nativel, Madagascar revisitée: en voyage avec Françoise Raison-Jourde (KARTHALA Editions, 2009), pp. 411-412.
[25] Nationaal Archief (NA), The Hague, VOC 4012, fol. 695v (15 September 1676); Stephen Ellis, ‘The History of Sovereigns in Madagascar – New Light from Old Sources’ featured in Didier Nativel, Madagascar revisitée: en voyage avec Françoise Raison-Jourde (KARTHALA Editions, 2009), pp. 411-412.
[26] Solofo Randrianja & Stephen Ellis, Madagascar: A Short History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), p. 91-92; Timothy J. Stapleton, A Military History of Africa, p. 115.
[27] Details of voyage 1362.1 from Texel to Batavia
| Number | 1362.1 |
| Name of ship | ELISABETH |
| Master | |
| Tonnage | 260 |
| Type of ship | pinas? galjoot? |
| Built | bought 1677/8 |
| Yard | Amsterdam |
| Chamber | Amsterdam |
| Date of departure | 05-02-1678 |
| Place of departure | Texel |
| Arrival at Cape | 15-07-1678 |
| Departure from Cape | 15-10-1678 |
| Date of arrival at destination | 14-07-1679 |
| Place of arrival | Batavia |
| Particulars | Via Fernando de Noronha (02-06-1678), Madagascar (114 slaves bought for the west coast of Sumatra; 51 died), Mauritius, Magalage and the west coast of Sumatra. The ship was laid up or wrecked in 1685. |
| Next homeward voyage |
| On Board | I | II | III | IV | V | VI |
| Seafarers | 42 | 2 | 0 | 0 | 3 | 39 |
[28] Onderkoopman Albert Jansz: van Breugel – dies (1687) on Jambi’s slaving expedition to Madagascar; marries (1stly) 8 June 1681 Elsje van Zuerwarden born Cape of Good Hope 8 May 1662; baptised Cape 8 October 1662; daughter of Hendrick / Hendrik / Hinrich Hendricxs: / Hendrikssen / Hinrichs: van Seurwaarden / Suerwaerden / Surwarden / Zeurwaerde / Zurwurde known locally as Hendrik Snijer (from Sürwürden, Duchy of Oldenborg) and Margreta / Margriet (Margrietje / Grietje/n) Franssen / Frans: Meec(k)hoff (from Steenwijck, Overijssel); step-daughter of Willem van Dieden (from Amsterdam); she marries (2ndly) 8 May 1689 secunde Andries de Man (from Amsterdam); she marries (3rdly) 16 December 1696 onderkoopman and kassier Hendrik Munkerus (from Haarlem) – he commits suicide (29 January 1705).
[29] Cornelis Janzoon Speelman (2 March 1628-11 January 1684) – VOC governor-general of Dutch East Indies (1681-1684). Son of Rotterdam merchant born (2 March 1628). Aged 16, goes aboard Hillegersberg for India. VOC Assistant (assistent). Arrives (1645) in Batavia, Dutch East Indies. Bookkeeper (boekhouder) (1648) & underbuyer (onderkoopman) (1649) & secretary (secretaris) to Dutch Council of the Indies (Raad van Indië). Travels with Joan Cunaeus (1617-1673) to Persia (1649-1652) writing account of voyage and reception by Shah Abbas II (1632-1666) with great festivity. Promoted (1652) to Buyer (koopman).
On return to Batavia deputises as bookkeeper-general (boekhouder-generaal) – appointed confirmed (1657). Marries 15 year-old Petronella Maria Wonderaer, daughter to the Receiver-General (ontvanger-generaal). In charge of Company’s clerical administrative staff (kapitein over de compagnie pennisten) (1659). Schepen (1661. Appointed (12 June1663) governor and director of Dutch Coromandel but suspended by Heren XVII for illegally engaging in private trading (buys diamond for wife later re-selling it because she had not liked it) – 15 months suspension and fine of 3,000 guilders. Admiral (1666) and superintendent of expedition to Makasar concluding (18 November 1667) Bongaais Treaty [Treaty of Bonggaya]. Commissioner (commissaris) of Amboina, Banda, Ternate (1667). Thereafter counsellor-extraordinary (raad extra-ordinaris) to Council of the Indies. Travels again (1669) as to Makassar and subjugates kingdom and honoured (1669) with a gold chain and medallion. Full Counsellor of the Indies (23 March 1671). Admiral of fleet sent against French (1672). Leads expedition (December 1676) to central Java to assist ruler of Mataram. On Java’s East Coast, wages protracted war against Toerana Djaja [Trunajaya (Madurese) / Tronajâyâ, aka Panembahan Maduretno (1649 – 2 January 1680)] – prince and warlord from Arosbaya, Bangkalan, Madura, known for leading the Trunajaya rebellion (1674–1681) against the rulers of the Mataram Sultanate on the island of Java. Called back to Batavia (end of 1677) and appointed (18 January 1678) 1st counsellor and director-general of Indies (Eerste Raad en Directeur-Generaal van Indië) & president of College van Schepenen. Governor-General (29 October 1680) succeeding (25 November 1681) Rijckloff / Rijcklof Volckertsz. van Goens (1619-1682). During his term of office as governor-general the Sultan of Ternate is conquered ceding his sultanate to the Company. Also subdues city of Bantam. Dies (11 January 1684) in the Castle at Batavia. Buried in the Kruiskerk to the firing of 229 cannon shots. Succeeded as Governor-General by Johannes Camphuys (1634-1695).
[30] Details of voyage 1407.1 from Texel to Batavia
| Number | 1407.1 |
| Name of ship | SILLIDA |
| Master | |
| Tonnage | 324 |
| Type of ship | pinas? jacht? |
| Built | 1680 |
| Yard | Amsterdam |
| Chamber | Amsterdam |
| Date of departure | 22-12-1680 |
| Place of departure | Texel |
| Arrival at Cape | 10-05-1681 |
| Departure from Cape | 03-07-1681 |
| Date of arrival at destination | 23-08-1682 |
| Place of arrival | Batavia |
| Particulars | Via S.Tiago. Orders were received for a slave trade to Madagascar and to bring the slaves to the west coast of Sumatra. Via Ceylon (24-11 till 05-12-1681) and Sumatra. Acc. to Daghreg. 1682 the ship arrived at Batavia on 02-09-1682. |
| Next homeward voyage | 5819.1 |
| On Board | I | II | III | IV | V | VI |
| Seafarers | 87 | 32 | 9 | 5 | 59 | |
| Soldiers | 29 | 28 | 1 | 1 | 1 |
[31] James C. Armstrong, ‘Madagascar and the slave trade in the seventeenth century’, Omaly sy Anio 17-20 (Antanararivo 1983-84), pp. 211-233. See also Rafael Thiebaut, ‘The Role of “Brokers” in the Dutch Slave Trade in Madagascar in the Eighteenth Century’ featured in Iain Walker, Manuel João Ramos, Preben Kaarsholm (eds.), Fluid Networks and Hegemonic Powers in the Western Indian Ocean ( Centro de Estudos Internacionais 2018), pp. 37-64.
[32] James C. Armstrong, ‘Madagascar and the slave trade in the seventeenth century’, Omaly sy Anio 17-20 (Antanararivo 1983-84), pp. 211-233. See also Rafael Thiebaut, ‘The Role of “Brokers” in the Dutch Slave Trade in Madagascar in the Eighteenth Century’ featured in Iain Walker, Manuel João Ramos, Preben Kaarsholm (eds.), Fluid Networks and Hegemonic Powers in the Western Indian Ocean ( Centro de Estudos Internacionais 2018), pp. 37-64.
[33] Letter from the Cape to Batavia, 12 Feb 1684. WCA, C 1374. Although we know nothing about the criteria that were used to choose interpreters, it is certain that proficiency in both the Dutch and Malagasy languages was an essential prerequisite as well as overall good behavior. On the rare occasions that expeditions were organised in Batavia, it proved difficult to find a Malagasy interpreter: Instructions of the Binnenwijzend, 23 Apr 1732. NA: VOC 985.
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