Bordering on the Conceivable … the elusive – and not so ‘chaste’ – Agneta (Agnietie) Colijn and her ‘Khoe’ descendants
by Mansell Upham
This article explores the parentage of a free-born ‘black’ woman Agneta (Agnietie) Colyn (born 1684) at the Cape of Good Hope serving in the household of Hans Oberholzer (from Zürich) – the Switzerland-born heemraad, deacon, free-butcher and Van der Stel-acolyte. Agneta Colijn has an illegitimate child named Hendrik Eksteen by the prominent free-burgher Heinrich Ostwald Eckstein (from Löbestein in Thuringia). Hendrik Eksteen junior is later murdered by his Hottentot wife Griet and his stepson Philip. Agneta Colijn also has an illegitimate son by Johann Oberholzer (from Zürich in Switzerland). She is thus mother to her two illegitimate sons, as well as surrogate mother to Oberholzer’s other illegitimate child (by the Company slave woman Christina van Magdalena Smid), a daughter Johanna Barbara Oberholzer. The continued association of these three illegitimate children with Oberholzer’s legitimate offspring, is further confirmation of a slave-induced extended family. Significant, too, is the initial association of Bastiaen Colijn with Gerrit Sweers / Sweris and Baes Adriaen (Arie) Willemsz: van Brakel (from ‘s Hertogenbosch / Den Bosch in Noord-Brabant) and the free-black Louis van Bengale.
An ongoing conundrum has persisted concerning the parentage of the historical Cape-born woman found recorded as Agneta / Agnita (Agnietie / Angenitie) Colijn
Maria een swarte vrye meit
Her baptism has been located and her paternity unambiguously recorded:
5 Mart  Agnietie
[de moeder] Maria een swarte vrije meit
de vader Bastiaen Jansen Colijn
[de getuijgen] Mostarts Marij 
The infant’s name Agneta is a latinised form of the Greek Hagni, derived from hagnos, meaning ‘chaste’, used in Northern Europe and also later associated with the Latin agnus, meaning ‘lamb’.
The father is none other than Sebastiaen (Bastiaen) Colijn (from ‘s-Gravenzande in Zuid-Holland).
Because he is well documented as being biological father to at least four illegitimate children by Zwarte Maria Everts: as well as living in concubinage with her and even inheriting from her deceased estate, it would be natural to assume that the child baptized Agnietie must also be yet one more of their children.
The description of the infant’s mother as een swarte vrye meit supports such a plausible assumption. Hattingh – also accepts Agnieta Colijn to be the daughter of Swarte Maria Evert(s:) fathered by her concubine Bastiaen Jansz: Colijn van ‘s Gravesan.
Given the cryptic contents of this baptismal entry, one could still be left in two minds as to whether she is indeed the biological daughter of Zwarte Maria Everts: especially in view of the fact that Agnitie and her illegitimate children are excluded from the will (1713) left by Zwarte Maria Everts:. Likewise, they do not feature in the deceased estate papers and wills of Swarte Maria Evert’s illegitimate son Jan Willems: ten Damme (1679-1713) and her illegitimate daughter Cornelia Everina Kraak (c. 1682-ante February 1726).
Dutch Common Law of Inheritance (for both testate and intestate deaths) at the time dictates that, notwithstanding the testator’s right to testamentary freedom and the right to exclude the Orphan Chamber from adminstering the will, no direct descendant of the deceased person (also women) – even if born illegitimate – is allowed to be excluded from his / her rightful inheritance. In the event of exclusion, the aggrieved descendant is legally entitled to remedy the default. The Law on Inheritance was clear and rigorously upheld and invariably by the inheriting parties themselves who had a vested interest in acquiring their inheritance.
It is unclear at this stage whether Agneta (Anietie) Colijn and her children were purposfully excluded from any inheritance by Maria Everts: in her last will – either punitively or by agreement (perhaps even with an earlier inheritance settlement). Also, no evidence has come to light of any inheritance claims against the deceased estate for any withheld legitimate portion.
Even so, Bastiaen Colijn may still, for some people, appear to have also fathered a child by possibly another black woman, also named Maria?
After revisiting the written records at my disposal yet again, I am nevertheless now more satisfied than before that she is indeed the biological daughter of Maria Everts:.
The Cape-born free-black woman – also initially known as Maria (Marij) van de Caep who later assumes the name Maria Schalks:  – significantly also resides with Zwarte Maria Everts: and the latter’s biological mother Hoen/a aka Anna van Guinea together with the latter’s biological daughter and the latter’s foster daughter the unbaptized Cape-born heelslag freed personal slave Elisabeth (Lijsbeth) van de Caep, later better known Lijsbeth Sanders: / Sandra. Given that she is only manumitted (8 May 1686) – just over two years later, the contemporary Maria Schalks: can be eliminated as a possible contender as biological mother to Agnitie Colijn.
It is worth noting that the patronymic-less Company slave Ansela van de Caep: – likely half-sister to Maria Schalks: baptises (29 January 1690) a female infant also named Agnetie. The witness to the baptism (13 October 1686) of Ansela’s only son, Cornelis, also appears most probably to be none other than the recently manumitted Maria Schalks::
Cornelis de moeder Ansila een slavin van de Comp[agn]y. Maria een vrie meit
This is more in keeping with the compelling likelihood that both Ansela van de Caep and Maria Schalks: are daughters of the Company slave Koddo aka Cornelia Arabus van Abisinna, originally gifted (1656) to the Cape’s 1st VOC Commander Jan van Riebeeck’s wife Maria de la Queillerie but soon thereafter expropriated by the visiting VOC Commissioner Rijckloff van Goens Sr..
Agnita Colijn’s adult life
Agnietie / Agnita Colijn becomes the centre of controversy when the newly arrived ex Batavia (30 March 1707) Ds. Engelbertus Franciscus le Boucq, in his efforts to ‘clean up’ the immoral laxity that had become prevalent at the colony, took it upon himself to dismiss (1707) the deacon of the church, the Swiss licensed butcher Johann (Hans) Oberholz / Oberholzer / Overholster (from Zürich) who is accused of living with a concubine and having fathered her illegitimate children.
Baptisms for two of her illegitimate children (only one of whom is fathered by Oberholzer) have been found – both illegitimate:
24  Oct:  van Jan Oveholster en Agnita Colyn onder getuyge van Jacob Pieters: Bodestyn gen[aam]t: – Johannes
8 Feb:[ruar]ij  Van Hendrik Eksteen en Anna Maria [sic] Colijn onder getuijge van Louis van Bengale gen:[aam]t: – Hendrik
Oberholzer also fathers an illegitimate daughter Johanna Barbara aka Barbara Johanna Oberholzer by a Company slave woman who is baptized (24 February 1704). This child later in adulthood goes by the name Oberholzer.
1704: 24 Feb:r[ua rij] een kind van Jannetie Willemsz: [van Wijk] van de Caab [? – sic] gen[aam]t. Barbara, cast[ijs]:
While her baptism states that she is the daughter of Agnietie’s 1st cousin, the Cape-born Company slave Jannetje Willems: van Wijk, her manumission reveals that she is the daughter of Christijn van Machteld Schmidt van Maaij Claesje Jans: van Angola – mother and maternal grandmother both being matrons of the Company slave Lodge while her great-grandmother had been vroetvrou (‘midwife’) in the Lodge. She is also found at times in church records (usual when witnessing baptisms) recorded as Johanna Barbara despite the fact that she is both baptized and married as Barbara. Since the infant later marries Jannetje Willems: van Wijk’s own casties son, Paul / Paulus Hartog/h, the presumption, then, is that Jannetje is more likely to have been surrogate mother. Hartog/h is formerly married to Petronella Philips: (the daughter of the freed personal slaves Philip van Boeton and Susanna van Boegis) and is the grandson of the freed Company Cape-born slave Johanna (Jannetje) Bastiaens: and the great-grandson of Koddo aka Cornelia Arabus van Abissina.
The relationship of Agnietie’s two or three illegitimate children to Johann (Hans) Oberholzer (from Zürich in Switzerland) is ultimately confirmed by the confrontation between Oberholzer and the church minister Ds. Engelbertus Franciscusle Boucq. The latter objects to Oberholzer’s appointment as deacon of the church. Oberholzer had only been confirmed in his faith recently. This renders him unfit for the position. Furthermore, Oberholzer had been living for a long time in concubinage with “an unnamed black woman and fathered her children”. Oberholzer denies these allegations saying that he had in dat leeven een weersin gekregen hebbende. He denies paternity saying that the children have not been baptized with his name [sic].
According to the attestations of three free-burghers, however, the black woman in question is Agnietie Colijn. When summoned by the deacon Jacob Pleunis, his wife inquire from her whether she has had two sons or a son and a daughter. Also expressing concern for their education as they are no longer infants, she adds:
“But, they are Overholster’s children. Don’t be shy to admit it because they were, after all, born in his house.”
Agnietie admits nothing. Nobody present accepts her protestations, denials or silence.
“You can tell us who the father is, because I have also fathered a child by a black woman whose freedom I still want to buy”.
Oberholzer retaliates by suing the minister for crimen injuria. Nothing comes of the legal action, however, as the highly unpopular minister is soon made to leave the colony.
The illegitimate Jan Overholster is later recorded living by himself on the fringes of the colony in ‘t velt. Also with him was Jan Jacobsz: van de Caab (the son of the personal slaves Maria van Angola and Jacob van Macassar), who also spends time at the place of d’jonge Hans Jurgen Potgieter. He marries (6 September 1744) Sara Coetsee who may well be also his 3rd cousin. She is the daughter of Elisabeth Louisz: and Jacobus Coetzee who, as eldest son, had been disowned by his parents presumably for cohabiting with a black woman. Sara’s mother is the daughter of Louis van Bengale and the notorious never baptised Lijsbeth Sanders: – foster daughter of the free-black Anna van Guinea and biological daughter of the never-freed Company slave Sabba aka Elizabeth (Lijsbeth) Arabus van Abissina.
Agnietie’s 2nd child the illegitimate Hendrik Eksteen is fathered by Hendrik Oostwald Eksteen (from Löbenstein). The baptism is witnessed by the free-black, Louis van Bengale. This child is later recorded on the fringes of the colony living (nomadically?) at the various places of the following free-burghers: Jan Fuber, Andries du Toit, Cornelis Boshouwer, Charles du Plessis and significantly, he is also recorded alone (woon op zijn selfs). He is later murdered by his Hottentot concubine Griet and his step-son Philip.
Hendrik Eksteen Jr.’s Murder
A veritable pioneer on the fringes of the expanding colony, his Hottentot concubine Griet by whom he has several children – jealous about his sexual relations with other Hottentot women – attempts (1758) to poison his tea. The poison is taken from an arrow belonging to the Hottentot Magerman supplied by her friend, another Hottentot woman Lysje …
Her attempt at murder fails when an already suspicious Eksteen spits out the bitter-tasting tea which burns his lips, their illegitimate Bastaard-Hottentot son Piet who addresses his biological father as Baas – having already warned his father of his mother`s evil designs …
Eksteen, however, is soon thereafter finally murdered (1759) by his Khoe step-son Philip and the slave Galant at Buffelscraal adjoining his own place Middeldrift near the Gourits River.
While asleep, they beat him to death with a rijs stamper [‘rice pestle’] …
This is what Hans Heese writes about the murder:
Een van die eerste opgetekende gevalle waar tradisionele Khoisan gif in ‘n moordpoging gebruik was, was in 1758-1759 toe Griet, ‘n Hottentottin. haar “man” met wie sy saamgeleef het, Hendrik Eksteen, probeer vergiftig het. Eksteen, vermoedelik die buite-egtelike seun van die Eksteen stamvader, het meer as twintig jaar met Griet op sy plaas Middeldrift by Gouritsrivier saamgeleef. Uit hierdie verhouding is verskeie kinders gebore wat as Baster-Hottentotte in die regsdokumente beskryf word. Toe Griet agterkom dat Eksteen met ander Khoisan vroue verhoudings aangeknoop het, het sy besluit om hom om die lewe te bring. Sy het die hulp van die Khoisan-vrou, Lysje, ingeroep en laasgenoemde het gif van die pylpunte wat aan Magerman behoort het, afgekrap en aan Griet gegee. Griet het die gif in tee opgelos en aan Eksteen gegee om te drink. Eksteen het die tee egter uitgespoeg omdat dit bitter gesmaak het en sy lippe gebrand het. Piet, die twintigjarige Baster-Hottentot seun van Eksteen by Griet (wat sy pa baas genoem het) het sy pa van die komplot teen hom gewaarsku. Eksteen het egter die waarskuwing in die wind geslaan. Kort hierna is Eksteen egter deur sy stiefseun, Philip, en die slaaf Galant op sy buurplaas Buffelscraal met ‘n rysstamper op sy bed vermoor.
An inventory of Eksteen’s deceased estate has survived and transcribed, follows hereunder – note that, although he appears to have ‘gone native’, there is no mention whatsoever of his illegitimate family:
[CA: MOOC 8/9, no. 2 – courtesy of TANAP]
8 December 1758
Staat en inventaris mitsg:[ader]s waardeering van alle soodanige goederen en effecten als meede actien en crediten als door den landbouwer Hendrik Eksteen ab intestato zijn naargelaaten en metter dood ontruijmt, dewelke door d’ onderget:[eekening]e gecommitteerde Weesmeesteren volgens resolutie van den 21 9:b[e]r deeses jaars aan desselfs sig thans opgeevende naaste erfgenaam den landbouwer Jan Oberholster d’ oude onder cautie de restituendo der waarde van dien in contanten gelden door hem Oberholster ofte zijne erfgenaamen wanneer binnen den tijd van sesthien eerstvolgende jaaren iemand mogte te voorschijn koomen die aan sal kan koomen te thoonen nader regt tot dien boedel te hebben ofte dat bij Heeren Weesm:[eeste]ren bevonden mogte werden, dat deesen boedel ’t zij in ’t geheel ofte ten deele ten onregten mogte zijn afgegeeven, en ter hand gestelt, bestaande en gewaardeert als volgt, nam[en]:l[ijc]k
|Een leening plaats genaamt de Middeldrift geleegen aan ’t Gaurits Revier||200|
|een leening plaats gen:[aam]t de Buffels Kraal geleegen aan ’t Gaurits Revier||100|
Op de plaats
|In de wagenmaakers winkel|
|8 schaaven in soort|
|1 trek saag||10:–|
|1 raam saag|
|1 schulp saag|
|1 parthij wagenmaakers houtwerk in soort||10:–|
|In ’t woonhuijs|
|1 parthij bootervaaten||10|
|5 ijsere potten||6|
|2 vergiet testen||1|
|3 koeke pannen|
|2 koopere keetels||2|
|1 tinne trekpot|
|2 klijne spiegels|
|1 slaave jongen gen:t Jonas van Mallabaar||100|
|1 slaave jongen gen:t Galant van Boegies||100|
|Op de werf|
|2 osse waagens||40:–|
|334 beesten klijn en groot||668:–|
|1300 schaapen klijn en groot||325:–|
|10 paarden klijn en groot||25:–|
|2 ploegen met haar toebehooren||10:–|
|1 buldsak met 4 kussens en 1 combaars||4:–|
|een obligatie ten lasten van den landbouwer Willem Mijer groot||150:–|
|een obligatie ten lasten van den landbouwer Jacob Joubert||100:–|
|een obligatie ten lasten van de wed:w Meering groot||91:–|
|een obligatie ten lasten van den landbouwer Harmanus Wilkes groot||50:–|
|een obligatie ten lasten van den landbouwer Harmanus Wilkes groot||20:–||70:–|
|een obligatie ten lasten van den landbouwer Dieterig Mulder groot||66:32|
|een obligatie ten lasten van den burger aan Stellenbosch Philip Hartog groot||33:16|
|een obligatie ten lasten van den burger Dirk van der Scheijf groot||100:–|
|een obligatie ten lasten van den landbouwer Abraham de Klerck groot||100:–|
|een obligatie ten lasten van den burger Johannes van der Scheijf||20:–||731:–|
|Rudolf Camfer op 10 jonge veersen a rxs:5 ’t p:s||50|
|Jan Buijs voor een nieuwe wagen||50|
|Jacobus Vivie over 2 nieuwe wagen stellen||10|
|Diederik Mulder over ses ossen debet||48|
|Michiel Roomond over 3 ossen||24|
|Adriaan van Braakel over 2 ossen debet||18|
|N: Hofman over 2 ossen||17|
|Harmanus Scheepers voor 2 ossen||18||235|
|Sulx den boedel suijver begroot is op een somma van||Rd:s2593|
Aldus g’inventariseert, gewardeert en gepasseert ter Weescamer aan Cabo de Goede Hoop den 8:e December 1758 ter presentie van den landbouwer Jan Oberholster d’ oudeals principaal mitsg:rs den burger Christoffel van Wieding en den landbouwer Frans Kruger Jacobsz: als desselfs borgen.
Als gecommitt:[eerd]e Weesm:[eest]ren: D:[anie]l Heijning, J:F:W: Böttiger
Voor den opgaaff: Dit merk + is door Jan Oberholster d’ oude eijgenhandig gestelt
Ter onser presentie als borgen: Christoffel von Wieding, Frans Kruger
Mij praesent: J:s H:s Blankenberg, Secret:[ari]s
Significantly, the name Eksteen has ramified in South Africa and Namibia amongst as a ‘Cape Coloured’ family name. Hendrik Eksteen senior later marries (13 July 1704) the manumitted Company slave casties Sara / Zara Heyns, the daughter of the freed Eurafrican Maria Schalk(s:) van de Caep whose descendants initially become incorporated into the predominantly ‘White’, but Africa-born, colonial community.
Agnieta Colijn eventually finds ‘respectability’ when she marries as Agnieta Molijn[sic] at the Cape (21 August 1707) the overcassier Jan Jansz: van der Heijden (from Delft). Significantly, Heinrich Ostwald Eksteen’s 3rd wife is born Van der Heiden and it is he who had fathered her illegitimate son of the same name as the father. Agnieta Colijn and Jan van der Heyde appear in the Opgaaf (1709) together with 2 sons and 1 daughter. They appear again (1712) listed immediately after Domingo van Bengale and his wife Maria van Bengale. There is no mention of them, however, in 1716. Are they victims of the smallpox epidemic of 1713?
Epilogue: Through Western eyes, under Southern skies – Occidental accidents of History …
Seun van die Donderweer!
Dappere hardlooiende !Guru!
Fluister saggies, se’blief saggies,
Want skuld het ek g’n;
Ja, jy! O !Guru!
Seun van die Donderweer!
The settlement (and later colony) of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) at the Cape of Good Hope was a fluid microcosm of initially non-indigenous Company officials, soldiers, servants, free-burghers, slaves and convicts. The Dutch, so it seems, never quite embrace fully (or physically) the autochthons (Hottentots and Bushmen) whose land they come to colonise – especially in terms of religion, miscegenation, assimilation and integration. This arms-length co-existence is generally all too often accepted uncritically. Invariably, the singular example of Krotoa (c. 1643-1674) – later when baptised and married, she is known as Eva Meerhoff) – is always touted, viz:
the oft-cited ‘fact’ that she was the colony’s only indigene to be baptised and marry according to Christian rites during the VOC period.
Historian Dr. Con de Wet’s questionable statement: in his chapter on the Cape’s social and cultural life (Maatskaplike en Kulturele Lewe), compounds this faux perception:
“In die oorspronklike bronne is daar geen [sic] bewyse gevind van gewone sosiale verkeer tussen vryliede en Hottentotte nie …” (In original [archival] sources, no evidence could be found of everyday intercourse between the [colony’s] free citizenry and the Hottentots).
De Wet leaves one wondering whether he alone could not find any such evidence in the records, or whether such non-discovery, might also have been the experience of all researchers of Cape history prior to his doctoral thesis.
Eva Meerhoff’s legacy as a failed experiment in civilization and diplomatic concession is then invariably presumed and perpetuated, serving as justification for the (undramatic?) exeunt by aborigines from the colony’s stage centre and apparent, late and limited, non-absorption into Cape colonial society during the entire VOC period.
Only once the colony’s frontiers begin to expand, do colonists interface more intensely with aborigines – even cohabiting with their women.
Enter the Bastaard … the Bastaard Hottentot … the Oorlammers, the Africaander / Afrikaners … the Griqua …
To what extent did the VOC and the Dutch accommodate and integrate the aboriginal Khoe / San into colonial society?
This is a question with which successive historians continue to grapple. The converse must also be asked:
To what extent did the Khoe / San accommodate and integrate the colonial Dutch into their non-colonial or inter-colonial world?
To what extent were the autochthonous Khoe / San peoples effaced?
Or put, differently:
To what extent did these peoples efface themselves?
Micro-historical and genealogical research and re-evaluation of extant records and recorded individuals – including women – from the earliest period of regular contact, collision and relations, help to provide answers to these questions. Too often, historians neglect to identify individually the characters in their drama and to contextualize each of them as a means of countering disceptive generalisations about human behaviour.
The emergence of this particular mixed race (Eurafrican) colonial by-product, has its earliest colonial beginnings with, for example, the baptism (8 February 1705) at the Cape of Good opof Hendrik Eksteen and his embracing of indigeneity by ‘going nagtive’. The Eksteen Basters consequently become an important and vital case study in terms of what I would call the Kutykum Factor:
If one wishes them to dance, one need only give them a pipeful of tobacco, and then they stiffen their legs
and continually leap up and down, and meanwhile sing Hottendott Brukwa… and this is the beginning and end of their continual song. If one says to them Koros op Zey they push the scrap of sheepskin from before their privities to the back, and let the whole gear be seen, and laugh therewith … 
Collusion and complicity cannot be excluded from the colonial equation when assessing the degree of intercourse (intersectionality?) between coloniser and colonised, the contact between victors and vanquished, the ambivalent relationships that ensued and the offspring.
Recent occidental historiography – even when made inscrutable and counter-ideological by Edward Said’s orientalism and not so long ago socially re-engineered by Thabo Mbeki’s Africanism reborn – still tends to ‘actively affirm’ the underdog … so much so that we are still left with a seemingly unbridgeable divide between THEM and US … Somehow African, Australasian, Asian and American indigenes / aborigines / autochthons are exempt from accountability or granted amnesty – even when the historical record, albeit the colonial testimony of the victors, shows that these ‘First Nations’ contributed to their own colonisation, enslavement and demise.
Jean O’Brien argues that ‘Native Americans’ have been rendered invisible because they aided and abetted their paleface invaders thereby constructing the myth of ‘Indian’ extinction. This is a compelling argument that tries to reverse the diatribal assault on Western civilisation – crudely reduced this would include the view that holds the white man (male?) to be solely responsible for all that is disingenuously deemed wrong in our world today. Swiss historian Urs Bitterli’s practice of Geistesgeschichte (a untranslatable cross between ‘history of ideas’ and ‘history of mentalities’), has helped us to transform colonial history into cultural history: cultures collide and it is in the conflict that we can contextualise our ancestors. Not all cultural encounters are the same. According to Bitterli, however, these generally take the form of contacts, collisions and relationships.
American historian Richard Elphick’s cautious multi-causal, open-ended – but constraining much ado about nothing – assessment of our own initial cultural close-encounters-of-a-first-kind in his Khoikhoi and the founding of White South Africa, is worthy of revisionist scrutiny:
Thus, the leading features of Khoikhoi decline were the complex interconnections of its many causes, and the predominance of broad processes over discrete episodes of diplomacy and conquest. For these reasons Khoikhoi decline was a mystery both to the Europeans who initiated it and to nineteenth-century investigators who vainly sought to explain it by a single cause, be it genocide or plague. For these reasons, too, the story has hardly ever been told in recent times; it has few villains, fewer heroes, and little of the drama that attracts novelists and historians to later phases of settler-native conflict in southern Africa. Yet the process of Khoikhoi decline should be understood, and not only because brown and white South Africans still live with its consequences today. For it is a fact worth pondering that the European subjugation of southern Africa began, not because statesmen or merchants willed it, nor because abstract forces of history made it necessary; but because thousands of ordinary men [sic], white and brown, quietly pursued their goals, unaware of their fateful consequences.
Truce and Reconciliation?
Have South Africans reconciled themselves zetetically and truthfully to their genealogical past? Is it still necessary, as implied by Thabo Mbeki, to protect the enclave of ‘European civilisation’ perched precariously at the Cape of Good Hope and advance the purposes of the then temporary sojourners?
Perhaps the answer lies, not only in responding to the exhortations of Kutykum! and Koros op Zey! – but to then laugh and walk away …
 Oberholzer fathers illegitimate and legitimate sons both named Johannes,as he does daughters both named Johanna Barbara.
 For many years already, the writer has been interrogating the tolerance, acceptance and incorporation of slave-owners of their illegitimate offspring into Cape households during the period of Dutch colonisation of the Cape of Good Hope, vide Mansell G. Upham, ‘Johann Vosloo: If the biological or putative father in early Cape colonial society was white and/or Christian: would the child born to an enslaved woman be entitled to freedom on reaching majority? What is the meaning of vrij geboren? Can a free-burgher’s slave’s child be vrij geboren – is this possible?’, Capensis & Mansell G. Upham, ‘Hell and Paradise … Hope on Constantia – De Hel en Het Paradijs … De Hoop op Constantia Jan Grof (dies ante 1700) and his extended family at the Cape of Good Hope – a glimpse into family, household, patriarchy, matriarchy, bondage, marriage, concubinage, adultery, bastardy, métissage, manumission, propinquity and consanguinity in 17th century Dutch South Africa before slavery’s abolition, the weakening of kinship and emergence of the modern nuclear family’, Uprooted Lives – Unfurling the Cape of Good Hope’s Earliest Colonial Inhabitants (1652-1713), featured on the First Fifty Years Project.
 This question was raised again recently in an online presentation (8 October 2021) ‘Zwarte Maria, Camps Bay and Constantia Wine’ by Sigi Howes for the Genealogical Society of South Africa (Western Cape Branch) relying mostly on information gleaned from Mansell Upham, Uprooted Lives – Unfurling the Cape of Good Hope’s Earliest Colonial Inhabitants (1652-1713) on the FFY Project Website & Joanne Gibson, ‘SA wine history: The largely forgotten Colijns of Constantia’ (11 December 2018) – https://winemag.co.za/wine/opinion/joanne-gibson-the-largely-forgotten-colijns-of-constantia/ & https://capetownmuseum.org.za/they-built-this-city/zwarte-maria-evert/.
 Born in slavery, she is the Eurafrican daughter of the later freed personal slave Elisabeth (Lijsbeth) van Angola who 1st belongs to the free-burgher Wouter Cornelisz Mostaert [Mostert] (from Utrecht) and his wife Hester Jans: / Weijers: Klim (from Lier in present-day Antwerp Province, Belgium). Following Mostaert’s death (1677), her patronesse (‘mistress’) the Widow Mosteart’s marries (12 March 1684) Jan Holsmit (from Sittard in Limburg). There is a strong possibility that her biological father is the free-Saldanha trader Bartholomeus (Bart / Bartel) Borns (from Leeuwarden in Friesland) – Maria [Bartels:] van de Caep alias Mosterts Marij & Jan Holtsmit’s Marij [CA: MOOC 7/1/4, no. 155 – free-black according to will [J. Hoge, Personalia of the Germans at the Cape]; halfslag daughter of Lijsbeth van Angola & former slave of Wouter Cornelisz: Mostaert (from Utrecht); 5 March 1684: witnesses baptism of Agnietie Colijn, daughter of Maria een swarte vrye meit [? Maria Schalks: van de Caep] baptized Cape 5 March 1684 (witness: Mostarts Mary); witnesses baptism (27 May 1685) of Sijbrand (son of Jan Willemsz: Vermeulen (from Utrecht) & Cape-born Catharina Opklim van Bengale) – former co-slave in the Mostaert / Holsmit household: a[nn]o’ 1685 den 27 dito (Mai) Sybrant de moeder Catrina van Bengale en de vader Jan Willemse Vermeulen van Utrecht vryman – [witness] Maria Mostert;marries (1stly) [civil union only?] Cornelis Heren / Heermans:(e); 1685: Cornelis Heermanse, stuurman accompanies expedition with Simon van der Stel to Namaqualand [Anna J. Boeseken: Simon van der Stel en sy Kinders , p. 74]; 1685 (Opgaaf): master gardener (Baas tuinier); 1687: equipagiemeester; 19 June 1687: banished / deported (3 years in public works – frequenting French ships) [Resolusies van die Politieke Raad, vol. III, pp. 166-167]; 31 March 1690: stuurman on Noord whose crew were stranded inland [Resolusies van die Politieke Raad, vol. III, pp. 217];1700 (Opgaaf): No. 56: Maria Bartels: 1 woman; 7 oxen; Stellenbosch; 14 June 1705: she is viciously assaulted by Jacomina Carteniers & Jacobus van den Berg [Adam Tas Diary, pp. 40-41; CA: CJ (Crim. Prosesstukken, 1705-1725), pp. 31, 33-34 & 36]; marries Stellenbosch (24 April 1701): Christiaan Maartense van Hamburg jongm.[an] met Maria Bartelz: van Caab wed[uw]e Corn.[eli]s Heren; Christian / Christiaen Maartens: / Martens: / Martensz: / Martins(z:) (from Hamburg); soldier at VOC outpost (buitenpost) Clapmuts prosecuted (1688) with sergeant Kerkendaardt & corporal Jacob Cloete (from Cologne) for trading illegally with Cape indigenes – acquitted with a warning but Cloete islater found murdered with multiple stab wounds & killer/s never found [Dan Sleigh, Die Buiteposte: VOC-buiteposte onder Kaapse bestuur 1652-1795, pp. 200-201]; 1692 (Opgaaf): No. 36: Christian Martinsz: 1 man; 1 snaphaen; 1 degen; Cape; 8 August 1695: Floris van Bengale (aged 24) sold by Christiaen Martens: of Stellenbosch to Mah[ie]u Rijcke for Rds. 80; 1699: resident at Stellenbosch; insolvent and property sold by public auction (CA: C 728, p. 60); 1707: Martens dies – falls from his horse and trampled to death [CA: 1/STB, vol. 624 (Attestation, 10 March 1707)].
 Bastiaen Janse van s’ Gravensan.He is Bastiaen Jansz: Colijn (from s’ Gravensand). Listed in Muster (1672): Huijs timmerluij
Adriaen van Brakel baes [later free-burgher]
Bastiaen Janssen [? Colijn] [CA: VC 39, vol. 2: Muster Roll of Officers and Men at the Cape 1656-1673 [pp. 137-155]. Later a free-burgher, he fathers 5 of Maria Evert:’s children. They live together as common law husband and wife being unable to marry legally: she was legally separated from her free-black husband Jackie Joy van Angola and even if a divorce proper had been granted, it would have been illegal for her as a heelslag to marry a white or European man.
 These were: Johannes Colijn (1692-1743), Johanna Colijn (1694-ante 1740), Maria Colijn (born 1696) and Evert Colijn (born 1700). In her will she signs her name Maria Evert – using a patronymic that identifies her biological father as being one Evert. He is the freed slave Evert van Guinea – the 1st personal slave to be manumitted (22 August 1659) at the Cape. A collaborator with the colonial Dutch, he is freed for divulging the hiding places of his fellow runaway slaves. That his daughter is heelslag is corroborated by the fact that she and her mother Hoen/a aka Anna van Guinea are resold into slavery and once freed become part of Evert’s household. Swarten Evert Marij (1664-1713): she was Maria Evert / Everts / Evertse but also known as Swarte Maria and Marij van de Caep. She is the daughter of Evert van Guinea & Anna van Guinea. She is foster sister to Lijsbeth van de Caep aka Lijsbeth Sanders:. She signs her name Maria Evert. Born at the Cape (c. 1663), she marries the free-black Gracias Maijalas van Angola. Judicially separated from her lawful husband (who is also known as Jackie Joy and who claimed that she had tried to poison him), she has children by various men, inter alia the resident surgeon Willem ten Damme, one possibly named Kraak & the free-burgher Bastiaan Jansz: Colyn. She is listed in the Opgaaf (1691, 1693, 1698 & 1700). She dies an extremely wealthy woman during the smallpox epidemic (1713). She owns what is Camps Bay today and the farm Klawervlei … de Claveres Valleij … at Darling. She has grazing & hunting rights in ‘t veld by de Sonquasfonteyn & aan de Drooge valley buyten de Groene Cloof.[CJ 2, p. 114 (3 July 1688); CJ 2587 No. 62 (1713); RLR2, p. 85 (3 November 1713); RLR2, p. 119 (1 May 1714); CTD 11 Title Deeds, Cape, vol. 2, fol. 6 (13 April 1711); Deeds Office, Transport en Schepenkennissen (1724), Transportaktes T 1623 & T 1624 (3 October 1712); J. Leon Hattingh,’Grondbesit in die Tafelvallei – Deel I: Die Eksperiment: Vryswartes as grondeienaars, 1652-1710’, Kronos (1985), vol. 10, pp. 32-48].
 J. Leon Hattingh, ‘Beleid en Praktyk: Die doop van slawekinders en die sluit van gemengde verhoudings aan die Kaap voor 1720’, Kronos, vol. 5 (1982), p. 38.
 CA: MOOC 7/1/2, no. 26 (Will: Maria Everts: geboortig aan dese plaats oud omtrent 50 jaar, 8 June 1713).
 CA: MOOC 7/1/2, no. 27 (Will: Jacobus Willemsz: ten Damme, 1713).
 CA: CJ 2603, no. 13 (Joint Will: Pieter Christiaan Barentsz [he signs his name Behrensz & Catharina Everina Kraak [she signs Catharina Everina Kraak ], 1725).
 Cf. the claim made by the illegitimate Arnoldus Johannes Basson (1702-1742) when excluded from the deceased estate of his mother Zacharia Jans: Vissers:: [CA: MOOC 5/1 (21 February 1722): his inheritance from mother’s estate is disputed by his mother’s 2nd husband: 1722; [CA: MOOC 5/1 (1722. 8. April)] Andries Kruger [Krügel] die volg:[en]s laatste vergadering voor deese camer geciteert was, binnen koomede wierd hem zijn indiffecte testam:[en]t tusschen hem en zijn overledene vrouw Zacharia Jansz: Visser voor gehouden en hem afgevraagte, of niets wist dat daar is een kind van zijn vrouw voor bijgegaan was, waar op hij antwoorde van neen, waar op hem aangeseijt is, dat het selve daar door vervalt, en dat hij staat en Inventaris, mitsg:[ade]rs taxatie zijns boedels moet geeven, om daar uijt te konnen ontwaaren, de ware moeders erfportie voor d’ kinderen ‘t welk hij als doen presenteerden versoekende dat sulx door gecommitt:[eerd]e weesm:[eeste]ren in presentie van de mondige kinderen mogt werden gedaan, welke presentatie de wed:[duw]e Jan Mulder en Gerrit van der Lind voor de Camer en binnen geroepen zijnde is voorgehouden en haar afgevraag, off zijt daar meede te vreeden waren, en g’antwoord hebbend van ja, is wijders geresolveert, dat sulx door 2 gecomm:[itteerde]e Leeden den EE: Jan Thobias Rhenius en Hendrik Oostwalt Eksteen op den 13 deesen sal werden gedaan.
 Marij(e) van de Caep (1664-1700) – she is Maria Schalk, the illegitimate daughter of the Company slave Koddo, alias Plad Oorby Willem Schalksz: van der Merwe (from Broek / Oud-Beyerland) & step-daughter to the free-black Serry aka Abraham (Abram) van Guinea. Born in slavery at the Cape, she is baptized (1665) & manumitted (1868) by Council of Policy resolution together with 2 other Cape-born halfslag Company slaves, Armozijn de Grote (Mrs Guilliam Frisnet) & Jannetje Bort (Mrs Dirk van Coningshoven),. She is also possibly sister to Jannetje [Bastiaens:] van de Caep, the wife of Matthijs Calmer. After her manumission, Maria Schalk: resides with Anna van Guinea. She marries (23 September 1696) Paul Heins / Heyns (from Leipzig) by whom she already had 4 children (Sara, Johannes, Anna & Hendrik). Two more children (Michiel Africanus & Maria Cornelia) are born after their marriage. She dies (1700). Her husband later marries the widow of Douw Gerbrandt: Steyn (from Leeuwarden in Friesland), the Cape-born vroetdrouw (‘midwife’) Maria Lozee [CA: MOOC 14/212].
 Hoen/a aka Anna van Guinea – slave in the household of the Cape’s 1st commander, Jan van Riebeeck & Maria de Queillerie. She arrives as slave cargo from Popo on the Hasselt at the Cape (6 May 1658). She joins up with Swarten Evert van Guinea (de vrije Caffer Evert), the father of her youngest child (the heelslag Maria Evert:), who had been granted land, a garden (1669) in Table Valley, by Commander Jacob Borghorst. He had been rewarded with his freedom by Jan van Riebeeck for revealing the whereabouts of the runaway slaves (his compatriots!) during the mass slave desertion of 1658. He is convicted (3 July 1680) … over nalatiheijt van het overlevenen den briefjes raeckende het bereijden van branthout. Anna is assaulted by the slave woman belonging to the free-burgher Steven Jansz: Botma (from Wageningen in Gelderland) who is subsequently convicted (2 September 1680) & punished. Anna had verbally abused her beyond her endurance [possibly this slave Maria van Angola?]. Anna & Evert are listed in the Opgaaf (1671, 1672, 1673, 1674-8, 1679, 1682, 1685). He purchases (1678) a garden adjoining his in Table Valley from Hendrik Evertsz: Schmidt (from Ibbenbueren) and Adriana Sterreveld (from Nieuw-Nederland). They farm (1682) on Welgelegen at Stellenbosch. This farm Evert sells (1685) to Andries Oelofsen (from Christiania in Norway) which title deeds Oelofsen finally obtains (1715). Anna is widowed (by 1688) & listed with 1 daughter and 12 cattle in the Opgaaf at Stellenbosch (her neighbour is Johann Herbst). She is listed (1691) in Table Valley alone with 2 daughters and in 1695 with 5 children (presumably grandchildren and foster children) [Deeds Office, Transport en Schepenkennissen: Transportakte T 165 (1678), H.[einrich] E.[vert] Smith & Evert van Guinee (10 November 1678); CJ 2, p. 114 (3 July 1680); VC 39; Deeds Office, O.S.F. 1, fol. 239; Cadastral Calendar; A 1657; J. L. Hattingh,’Grondbesit in die Tafelvallei – Deel I: Die Eksperiment: Vryswartes as grondeienaars, 1652-1710’, Kronos (1985), vol. 10, pp. 32-48].
 CA: CJ 291 (Criminele Processtukken, 25 April 1689) sworn statement by Marij van de Caep [Maria Schalk(s:)], 25 April 1689, pp. 233-234. Lijsbet(h) (c. 1659-1742/3) – later known as Elisabeth / Lijsbeth van de Caep & Lijsbeth Sanders, is born in slavery at the Cape (c. 1659). She is the daughter (presumably by a black father Alexander) and the Guinea slave woman, Hoen / Hoena [also foundrecorded as Houwj or Houwi]. She is sister to Armozijn de Grote van de Caep. Her mother had been purchased by the Cape’s 1st VOCcommander, Jan van Riebeeck. After his departure (1662), Hoen/a & her heelslag foster daughter Lijsbeth Sanders: are sold, to Hendrik Hendricksz: Boom. Boom later sells (6 January 1665) Hoen/a & her 2 daughters to the free-burgher Matthijs Coeijmans. Lijsbet Sanders:, he sells (1671) to Baes Arrie – Adriaen Willemsz: van Brakel (from s’-Hertogenbosch) & his wife Sara Jacobs: van Rosendael (from Amsterdam). In terms of a Council of Policy resolution, Van Brakel sells Lijsbeth Sanders: to the free-black Louis van Bengale by whom she has 3 illegitimate daughters (Lijsbeth Louisz:, Anna Louisz: & Maria Louisz:). She had been sold to Louis van Bengale as compensation for damages suffered resulting from her breaking into his home together with 2 sailors & stealing. Louis frees (1682) her and her 2 children (Lijsbeth Louisz: & Willem Teerling) but has her prosecuted for desertion for breaching their contract of engagement. She ‘elopes’ with the father of her son, the Englishman, Willem Teerling [? Tarling as suggested by Susan Newton-King]. She is convicted for stealing jewelry and sentenced to be flogged & to do hard labour. Thereafter, she shacks up with the German, Johann (Jan) Herbst (from Bremen). She has 2 more daughters (Clara born Teerling / adopted Herbst & Gerbrecht Herbst). Through her daughter Maria Louisz:, she is ancestor to the (in)famous Coenraad Buys and the Buys Basters [CA: MOOC 14/1/16 Bylae tot Boedelrekeninge, fol. 14, Lijsbeth Sanders: en Lijsbeth Lowise, 25 February 1738 – plus accompanying documents].
 She will be the subject of an impending separate article.
 The likelihood that Ansela van de Caep – recorded mother to the children that became known as Campher’s children – is not the same person as the exiled Baauw van Timor, I have never completely discounted as a possibility – even if only in terms of accessing the available recorded evidence. This likelihood – based on DNA testing revealing Haplogroup LOa1b2 – was previously brought to my attention by two individuals after my article on Pai Timor appeared on FFY. Following a 3rd DNA query, I re-released my original response to the 1st two queries with the following quote (being the salient parts of my response to these two individuals at the time) as I think that it is still relevant. I added a proviso: I have been revisiting this conundrum again and again and I now have – I would like to believe – a more compelling explanation – also thanks to DNA testing appearing to conflict with my initial (now more seemingly likely incorrect) assumption that Baauw and Campher’s wife Ansela were indeed one and the same person …: QUOTE ” … I have again looked at my unearthed data and revisited (yet again!) my article on Pai Timor. Although there is strong circumstantial evidence connecting Mrs Campher to Inabe (the unusual name Anthoinette interchanged with Angneta and Agnitie and Van Wijk’s business partner being Inabe’s de facto husband), at least seven things still concern / disturb me about Mrs Campher: 1. Her Company slave status – Pai Timor & family were clearly not enslaved even though the ambiguous wording of the initial letter of banishment implies possible enslavement if the colony (Mauritius & the Cape thereafter) was unable to utilise them as free people; 2. Her being recorded as van de Caep; 3. That her daughter Jacoba is clearly recorded as being castijs which would mean that she was halfslag – even though her sister Agnitie is recorded as being halfslag; 4. Her de facto [?] marriage with Campher; 5. That Agnitie Campher names her eldest daughter Anna (curiously also the name of Cornelis Campher’s voordochter); 6. If indeed not Baauw van Timor & if indeed Cape-born (and halfslag): why is there no recorded baptism?; 7. Why is there no record of her liberation and that of her children – if Company halfslag she would have had to wait until legal majority at 22 years of age and likewise her children – unless they were all collectively and prematurely purchased by an interested party? There were only two contemporary women named Ansela van de Caep and they both appear in the Opgaaf of 1695 which confirms that they were not one and the same person: Mrs Campher and Mrs Silberbach. Mrs Silberbach’s baptism and manumission are on record and we know that she was a privately owned slave. As for Mrs Campher, if we are to dismiss any un/likely Timorean descent, then I can already come up with a few suggestions to these worrying aspects listed above: 1. If indeed halfslag, she may have been baptised in 1663 as part of the ‘missing’ unnamed slave infants baptised collectively (see my article on FFY “What can’t be cured …”); 2. If indeed halfslag, her manumission (if meeting all the requisites) would not necessarily be recorded and she could well have even been married legally to Campher after liberation provided that she was indeed baptised; 3. Campher – if Lutheran – explains possibly a civil marriage which records are missing (see again my article on “What can’t be cured …” [see FFY]); 4. So far I am only aware of one contemporary heelslag slave woman named Anna and she was from Angola. Given the DNA results thus far and my revisited reservations listed above, it seems to me that I cannot discount Anna or perhaps some other African slave as a likely mother to Mrs Campher … I trust that my latest musings are helpful. Certainly, again thanks to both your input, we may well be able to disprove my initial contention. I hope, that Mrs Campher – also a multiple ancestor of mine – will forgive me if have misallocated her …” UNQUOTE Rereading the above correspondence, it strikes me now that when recently reworking my research on the slave woman who belonged to Christoffel Snijman’s stepfather [Anthonij Jansz: van Bengale], there are equally compelling indications that Ansela could well be another [? foster] daughter of Anna van Guinea and ’sister’ to Maria Everts: van de Caep. I will be setting out my reasons for this in a forthcoming article about the Guinea slaves that came on the Hasselt. My limited understanding about haplogroupings – my research has been confined to trying to unravel as best I can the written record – is that LOa1b2 is also found in West Africa especially amongst the Balanta people: “Haplogroup L0a is most prevalent in South-East African populations (25% in Mozambique). Among Guineans, it has a frequency between 1% and 5%, with the Balanta group showing increased frequency of about 11%. Haplogroup L0a has a Paleolithic time depth of about 33,000 years and likely reached Guinea between 10,000 and 4,000 years ago. It also is often seen in the Mbuti and Biaka-pygmies. L0a is found in almost 25% in Hadramawt (Yemen).” [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haplogroup_L0_(mtDNA)] [clicking on the link for Balanta is equally informative] Allow me to re-iterate what I wrote in the past. I trust that my latest-latest musings are further helpful. Certainly – again thanks to more recent inputs – we may well be able to
disprove my initial contention more conclusively. I sincerely hope, that Mrs Campher – also a multiple ancestor of mine – will forgive me if have mis-allocated her. There is another positive spin-off to this: finally – after so many many frustrating years dredging up the written record and getting to comprehend more fully the complexities and idiosyncrasies of 17th century colonial life and record-keeping – discovering that I, too, may now also be a multiple descendant of yet another formidable Founding Mother – Anna van Guinea – thrills me no end …
 Engelbertus Franciscus le Boucq (1675- Batavia 1748) – born Tubeke [Tubize]in Brabant, Spanish Netherlands [Belgium] husband to Susanna de Roo; a son Bastiana Theodora baptized Cape 20 May 1708 (witnesses: de H. Theodorus Sas & Mejuff: Sara de Roo, wed. Godart Terdion; de H. Louis Gerlagh & Mevrouw Margareta Trip, wed. Roelof Eelboo). He and his wife witness the following baptism: [9 September 1707] van Pieter Meyer en Alida de Savoije, onder getuijgen van Pred:[can]t Fransciscus Engelbertus de le Boucq [Engelbertus Franciscus le Boucq] en Susanna de Roo. – Maria Magdalena [Dictionary of South African Biography, vol. IV (Butterworth, Durban 1972), pp. 304-305].
 Jan Oberholzer / Oberholster / Overholster – originally Hans Oberholzer of Oberholz SG, born Aa near Wald ZH [CH, Staatsarchiv Zürich: Visitationen und Untersuchungen & HistorischBiographischer Lexikon der Schweiz Band V, pp. 322-323; Zürcher Kirchenbücher]. Baptised Goldingen (27 December 1680): parents listed as M: Joanes Oberholzer & Barbara Erbin & godparents as Melchior Hofman and Ana Maria Oberholzerin [Susan Anneveldt to FFY (15 January 2017)]. Arrives (c. 1696) aged only 16 in VOC employ listed as soldier but probably employed in butchery (until 1701) when contract ends [CA: MR (1696-1701)]; receives permission to settle as free-burgher; after abandoning Catholic faith admitted as member of Groote Kerk congregation & elected deacon; initially butcher & associated with Michiel Ley & others in meat contract which contributes to recall (1708) of Governor Willem Adriaan van der Stel [Kolbe 1719, p. 795]; buys (19 November 1706) house between Heere & Berg Dwars Street [CA: DO, T670 (19 January1706) from Abram van Dirksland & sold (1709) by T784 to Hendrik Oswald Eksteen (from Löbenstein in Thuringia)]; 6 months later marries Helena, daughter of Huguenot Guillaume du Toit [De Villiers, 1981, pp. 659-660] who owns several farms in Drakenstein & Stellenbosch districts & recently also buys farm Valley Lutry from Jan Margra (from Lausanne); elected deacon of Drakenstein church clashing with Rev. Engelbertus Franciscus le Boucq – sent from Batavia but turning out to be a troublesome eccentric whose behaviour angers authorities so much that they send him back within a year – before marriage lives with a Eurafrican woman by whom he has at least 2 surviving children which Le Boucq uses to excommunicate him; institutes a civil court action, & despite this being unresolved at Le Boucq’s departure, is reinstated as deacon [CA: VC 17 Journal (18 December 1706); CJ 4. II, nos. 7,11 & 14 (1719)]; linked with free-born Agnitie Colyn & Company slave Christijn van Machteld Schmidt van de Caep whose respective illegitimate children Johannes (baptised 24 October 1702 (marrying Sara Coetsee) & [Johanna] Barbara (born later marrying Paulus Hartog) appear to bear his parents’ names; sells house (1709) house Table Valley moving to Stellenbosch taking over father-in-law’s farms Valley Lutry, Watergang & land adjoining Cloetesdal sold to Johannes Heyns (1715); within 1 year elected Heemraad [CA: 1/STB 15/2]; buys (1711) farm Nietvoorby near Klapmutsfrom Estate Westerkerke, Nietvoorby, 51,4 ha, “extending to the wild hills near Jan Viljoen (Nazareth) NE to E to the hills towards Stellenbosch, NW to the road to Stellenbosch; sold by T1384 (9 June 1721 to Hans Hendrik Hattingh [CA: DO, T874 (8 October1711)]; buys from Estate Guillaume du Toit (a) Valley Lutyu, 51,4 hectares, sold by T878 (27 October 1711) to Willem Bota [Botha]; (b) Stellenbosch farm Watergang, 24,8 hectares extending ENE to Dekkers Valley; (c) (Cloetesdal) Aan ‘t Pad, 53,1 hectares extending SW to Watergang & NW to Dekkers Valley – b & c sold by T1063 (23 November 1715) to Johannes Heyns [CA: DO, T823 (7 September 1710)]; granted (1712) adjoining land named Uitkyk [CA: DO, Grant OSF 1.121 (20 October 1712), the Stellenbosch farm Uitkyk, 51,8 ha., extending SE to the wild hills toward Simonsberg, SW & SE to the wild hills & to Chris. Groenewald & others to Klapmuts, sold by T1362, 16 January 1721 to Abraham Coetzee] over which he holds a grazing licence [CA: RLR 3:10]; possessing farms at Stellenbosch & near Klapmuts on limits of Drakenstein District, member of mounted commandos both in Drakenstein at Stellenbosch elected (1713) captain of former (1713) & latter (1715) [CA: 1/STB 13/21]; Burgher Roll (1712) listed with wife Helena, 2 sons, 6 male slaves, 11 horses, 81 head of cattle, 500 sheep, 18 000 vines & 16 leaguers of wine – in last growing season has sown/harvested 10/30 bags wheat & has 6 guns, a pistol & 2 swords; wife Helena by whom he has 2 sons & 1 daughter dies (1714); marries Judith du Plessis (born 1674 in Ireland), widow of Ary van Eeden [CA: A2250, Citizens Roll (1712) ]; obtains licence (1714) to graze animals “beyond 24 Rivers below small round Elschenbosch forest”, where Porterville now stands [CA: RLR 3:10 (15 August1714)]; sells Stellenbosch properties & apparently moves to his undeveloped farms near Klapmuts [CA: RLR 1:230 (3 May 1710) to graze above the corner of Klapmutsberg toward the Simonsberg]; for 1st & only time hires a soldier from Castle as a farmhand [CA: CJ 2877 (29 November 1714) ]; reports (1717) having no vines [CA: J 184, Citizens Roll (1717)]; 1719 lists 5 000 vines & 9 leaguers of wine [CA: A2250, Citizens Roll 1719]; he & wife draw up joint will (1718) [CA: MOOC 7/1/3:67]; dies (1721) aged about 41 years old; survived by 3 children: (1) Guillaume, baptised 4 December 1707 named after mother’s father; farmer with 40 000 vines; (2) Johannes, baptised 24 August 1710 probably named after father’s father, cattle & wheat farmer, Zwartland; (3) Johanna Barbara baptised 18 June 1713 probably named after father’s mother; she marries Michiel Pentz – progenitor of Pentz family at Cape. [Vide Adolphe Linder, The Swiss in Southern Africa 1652-1970, (Baselr Afrika Bibliographien, Basel, 1997].
 Van der Spuy, Patricia: ‘What, then, was the sexual outlet for black males?: A Feminist critique of quantative representations of women slaves at the Cape of Good Hope in the Eighteenth century’, Kronos, no. 23 (University of the Western Cape, Bellville November 1996); Viljoen, Russel: ‘”Till Murder do us part”: The Story of Griet and Hendrik Eksteen’, South African Historical Journal, 33 (1995), pp. 13-32.
 A non-existent baptism has been ascribed to her – vide https://www.geni.com/people/Jan-Johan-Oberholster-SV-PROG/4250150305320050725 (accessed 12 October 2021) “Barbara gedoop 20 Apr 1708 (moeder Jannetjie Marretje VAN DE KAAP), X 30 Nov 1727 Paulus Hartog (sien ook wat Spoelstra, Vol I, p 81 te sê het)”.
 The subject of an impending separate article.
 The subject of an impending separate article.
 J. Leon Hattingh, J. Leon Hattingh, ‘Beleid en Praktyk: Die doop van slawekinders en die sluit van gemengde verhoudings aan die Kaap voor 1720’, Kronos, vol. 5 (1982), pp. 38-39.
 Jacob Pleunis / Plünes – Eerw. diaken Jacob Pleunes (from Orsoy in the Duchy of Cleves).
 She is one the imported orphan girls shipped out to the Cape in 1688, Willemina Adriaensz: / Willemyntie Adriaansse de Wit (from Rotterdam, Zuid-Holland), the widow of Detlev Biebow aka Biebault (from Mecklenburg).
 On 26 September 1698 an unnamed slave infant was baptized with Jacob Pleunis and Willemijntie de Wit as witnesses. The parents are recorded as Dirk van Anneke [?] and Lysbet van Malagasij. One cannot but help wnder whether this incident amongst others, has anything to do with the deacon’s wife asking for a divorce in 1710?
 Mansell G. Upham, ‘A black sheep in the Coetzee family, Capensis, no. 3 (2001), pp. 47-48.
 For an investigation into his life, vide Gerald Groenewald, ‘An early modern entrepreneur: Hendrik Oostwald Eksteen and the creation of wealth in Dutch colonial Cape Town, 1702-1741’, Kronos, vol. 35 (2009). This article, however, chiefly ignores Eksteen’s early personal slave involvement and ‘intersectionality’. Heinrich Ostwald Eckstein / Hendrik Oostwald Eksteen (from Löbenstein in Thuringia) marries Cape (13 July 1704) Sara / Zara Heyns (1688-1713), voordogter (but later legitimised daughter) of Maria Schalks: by Pieter Heyns (from Leipzig); baptised 19 September 1688 [? baptism not found]; he marries (2ndly) Cape (21 January 1714) Everdina Cruywagen and marries (3rdly) Cape (19 February 1719) Alida van der Heyden. Eksteen also fathers an illegitimate son Hendrik by Maria Everts: baptised Cape (8 February 1705) and witnessed by the free-black Louis van Bengale. Eksteen also baptises a child by his wife in the same year named Michiel who is a legatee (and godchild) of the free-blacks Claas Cornelisz: and Beatrice van Cochin – the former being half-brother to his 1st wife’s mother Maria Schalk:.
 Hans F. Heese, Reg en Onreg, p. 12; Patricia van der Spuy, ‘What, then, was the sexual outlet for black males?: A Feminist critique of quantative representations of women slaves at the Cape of Good Hope in the Eighteenth century’, Kronos no. 23 (University of the Western Cape, Bellville November 1996); Russel Viljoen, ‘”Till Murder do us part”: The Story of Griet and Hendrik Eksteen’, South African Historical Journal, 33 (1995), pp. 13-32.
 Hans F. Heese, Reg en Onreg, p. 12.
 Translated into Afrikaans by Mansell Upham from the English translation of I. Shapera, The Khoisan peoples of South Africa (George Routledge & Sons, Ltd., London 1930):
The Hymn of the Thunder
Son of the Thundercloud !
Thou brave, loud-speaking !Guru !
Talk softly, please,
For I have no guilt;
Let me alone ! (Forgive me !)
For I have become quite weak.
Thou, O,!Guru !
Son of the Thundercloud !
!Gurub di /Geis
!Gari-khoi, !Gurutse !
/Havië t’am u-hà-tamaö;
/Nanus oatse !
 C.G. de Wet, Die Vryliede en Vryswartes in die Kaapse Nedersetting 1657-1707, p. 128.
 The reductionist categorories are derived from Bitterli.
 Dutch “brok”, “piece of”, e.g. of bread.
 In modern Dutch: Kaross op zij – i.e. [move] your skins to the side… Raven-Hart states that “Koros” (more correctly “Kul-karos”, derives from the words for “penis” [sic – the word more likely derives from the French cul, ie bum, the word kul is now used idiomatically in modern Dutch to mean rubbish or nonsense – Editor] and “cloak”. The word kaross [Afrikaans = karos ] appears to derive from the Khoe word caros and came to be used for any covering, blanket, cloak made by the Cape aboriginals from skins.
 David Tappen (1682) vide R. Raven-Hart, Cape Good Hope 1652-1702: The First 50 Years of Dutch Colonisation as seen by Callers (A.A. Balkema, Cape Town 1971).
 Brewer’s The Dictionary of Phrase and Fable states: J. Bellenden Ker says the Dutch “Dit vor dat’” (this for that); “Quid pro quo.” Heywood uses the phrase ‘Tat for tat,” perhaps the French phrase, “tant pour tant.”
 We know this to have been a term (also perjorative) used by Cape aboriginals when referring to (newly-arrived) Europeans.
 Jean O’Brien, Dispossession by degrees: Indian Land & Identity in Natick, 1650-1790 – Indian Land and Identity in Natick, Massachusetts, 1650-1790 (Cambridge University Press 1997).
 Urs Bitterli, Cultures in Conflict: Encounters Between European and Non-European Cultures, 1492-1800 [Stanford University Press; 1st Edition (1 June 1993).
 Richard Elphick, Khoikhoi and the founding of White South Africa (Ravan Press: Johannesburg 1985).