Maski … dats goed … 1st judicial execution by hanging (17 September 1678) of Khoe Aborigines at the Cape of Good Hope by the colonizing Dutch and indigenous justice – initially guaranteed – denied …

by Mansell G. Upham ©  

Maski … dats goed

The Dutch East India Company (VOC) judicially executes by hanging (17 September 1678) five Cape aborigine Khoe men.

All five men are allegedly Suncquas of the Attiqua Kraals and subject to the Goringhaiqua chief Osingkhimma aka Prince Manckhagou and nicknamed Schacher. They are captured and handed over to the Dutch by the Goringhaicona chief Thomas and the Gorachouqua chief Dackkgy aka Cuijper:

  • Quisa
  • Comoko
  • Gamaka
  • Ore and
  • Derva

“The sentence pronounced against the Hottentots was carried into execution at the usual time and place, and was effected with due solemnity …” [Journal]

Jacob Meurs (Amsterdam 1676)

Arraigned (14 September 1678) for “repeated crimes of violence and cattle stealing, committed upon the persons and property of the Company and good inhabitants”, the offenders are condemned “to be hanged upon the gallows until death ensues and their dead bodies exposed, to forfeit all their property, and pay costs &c.”

When the prisoners are formally charged by the Fiscal Tobias Vlasvath (from Amsterdam), they respond in pidgin Dutch / proto-Afrikaans: “Maski” (Maybe!)

That evening (about 9 o’clock) it is discovered that the prisoners had “again attempted to break out of prison, and had in a great measure accomplished their object …”            

They had not only broken and got rid of their irons, but had already made a large hole in the wall and “wanted nothing but to remove a single stone, the outer one”.

The scribe of the Company Journal notes with sanctioned sanctimony that “this is clear proof that, although these savage men have not the slightest knowledge or conception of the immortality of the soul, the consideration which renders death very terrible to some, still they are taught by nature to adopt every practicable means of prolonging life”.

Their ascribed ‘chief’ Osingkhimma aka Prince Manckhagou is summoned by a mounted express to appear at the Castle in the morning when the sentence against his subjects (subalterne) is communicated to him and “his advice heard thereupon” …

“… [P]erfectly satisfied therewith”,  the sentence of death is thereupon “this day at 10 o’ clock communicated to the delinquents in the presence of the Chiefs”: the Gorinhaiqua, Goringhaicona and Gorachouqua chiefs Schacher, Thomas and Cuijper

The Journal notes their laconic response:

“To all outward appearance, they cared very little about the matter, answering nothing further than “dats goed”.

This is the second time that the VOC deviates from its initial policy towards the indigenous people incorporated into the new colony in which the Company undertakes to hand over indigenous malefactors committing crimes against the Company, its property, personnel and its free inhabitants – European and free-black (manumitted slave) colonists, to their traditional leaders to be punished in accordance with indigenous practices.

More significantly, this is the very first time that the VOC opts – not only to not hand over the offenders to indigenous justice – but also to implement itself its death sentences on the offenders … 

The Journal waxes lyrical about the general need for deterrence against all offenders – also Christians …:

“It were much to be desired, and would be most praiseworthy, could all such villains be deterred from the commission of crime by this example. 

But the commission of crime is (God mend it) so implanted among many Christians, and so habitual to them, that, notwithstanding that they are fully aware of the attendant punishments, of which they have examples every day – still these are not sufficiently powerful to divert them from their evil course, and to lead them to improvement; and this holds good independently of that class of criminals to be found in every country, and in every quarter of the world, that has yet to be discovered, who are entirely incorrigible, and, with respect to their disposition, education and conversation, appear to be more brutes than men, &c. …”

Driekoppen and the Three Cups Inn at Mowbray (Part I): CLAAS VECHTMANN – 1st owner (1669-1670) and later co-owner (1670-1672) of the farm Varietas Delectat

Driekoppen and the Three Cups Inn at Mowbray (Part I): CLAAS VECHTMANN – 1st owner (1669-1670) and later co-owner (1670-1672) of the farm Varietas Delectat

by Mansell G. Upham ©

New research into the historic original tavern and inn (founded 1723) at Mowbray – known initially as Driekoppen – reveals that this notorious drinking hole and infamous gathering place cannot have stood on the site of the present-day Mowbray Hotel (on the corner of Rhodes Avenue and Main Road) as previously claimed.  This ongoing re-evaluation sets out, hopefully, a more plausible sequence of deeds transfer information dating from the earliest existing transaction to the 20th century and a more detailed chronology of events and newly found information drawn from both primary and critically revisited secondary sources.  Particular attention has been dedicated to identifying more fully the various individual historical people associated with Driekoppen / Three Cups (later Mowbray) and their lives. This project aims to complement the deeds research already undertaken in the archaeological investigation (1994) and will feature in future consecutive instalments.  These will be arranged chronologically under the name of each of the registered owners of the original farm that comes to be known as Varietas Delectat (`Variety Delights’) and its subsequent subdivisions.  This is the 1st instalment.

Original Grant (1669)

The original grant (1669) is now lost.  The land, however, is 1st granted to the Cape free-burgher and woodcutter Claas Vechtmann / Vegtman / Vegstman.[1]

Hailing from Meran / Merano in the Tyrol[2], he joins the VOC and arrives (27 December 1666) on the ship Batavia.[3]  On board with him is Gerhard (Gerrit) Pieterzoon van der Bijl (1640-1698) (from Overchie, Zuid-Holland) who, as fellow free-burgher and vrij timmerman, later purchases this self-same land (Varietas Delectat) becoming the farm’s 5th consecutive owner (1672-1698).[4]

Immediately after arrival, Vechtmann obtains his freedom becoming knecht to free-burgher Jacob Cloete[5] appearing in the muster roll for that year (April 1667).[6] 

He is convicted and sentenced (2 December 1667) by the Cape’s Council of Justice to three years’ hard labour for stabbing a man during a brawl in front of the inn of Christiaan Jansz:[7].  His full sentence is to witness the execution of the sailor Frans Pieters:[8], to have a ball fired over his head, to be banished in chains for three years, and to forfeit six months’ pay, half pro fisco, half to the poor, besides paying the doctor.[9]

He appears in the muster (1670) as a free-burgher in his own right[10] and again (1671) with his partner Hendrik Jansz: van Schaijk (from Montfoort, Utrecht)[11].  It is at this stage that he sells (15 April 1670) his land to Willem Willemsz: de Lierman.[12] 

The property is transferred from Claas Vechtman to Willem de Lierman:. The title deed 1 (no diagram attached), is in favour of De Lierman who buys from Claas Vechtman.  The extent of the land is given as 13 morgen 264 sq rds, the selling price 1100 gulders. The property is sold with houses and sheds (stallinge) … a piece of land … with the house standing on it and stables, 11 trek oxen, 2 wagons, one harrow and 1 plough with attachments … (elf trek ossen, twee waagens, een egg en een ploeggereedschappen aan de gemelde huisinge) and signed (15 April 1670).  The archaeological report suggests financial difficulties stemming from Vechtmann’s earlier criminal conviction.[13] 

Vechtmann, by going into partnership with Van Shaijck, is able to soon repurchase (2 September 1670) – with his partner’s help – the same piece of land which they retain until Vechtmann’s untimely death (18 January 1672).[14] 

His partner, a resident in the colony a lot longer than Vechtmann, likely arrives (7 August) as an arquebusier on the Leerdam[15], immediately thereafter opting (15 August 1658) for his freedom papers.  The sailors Dirck Dircksen[16] (also from Montfoort), and soldier (later brick-layer) François de Coninck / Coningh[17] – and possibly the soldier Jacques Brackeny[18] – also disembark from the same ship.[19]  Soon after becoming a free-burgher, Van Schaijck is condemned for sheep stealing to be riveted in irons and banished.[20] 

Rehabilitated, he makes his next appearance in the records listed in the muster roll (1661)[21]  as a knecht – together with Hendrik Hermansz:[22] and Matthijs Hansen[23] for the free-burgher Jan Petersen Louw[24].  He appears again (1662) [25], but this time as knecht – with Robbert Robbertsz:[26] and Jan Cornelisz: Mostaert[27] – for Wouter Cornelisz: Mostaert[28].  The following year (1663) [29], he is still with Mostaert and the latter’s younger brother – but this time with another knecht Jan Severijns:[30] Thereafter, as a free-burgher in his own right, he and Vechtmann join forces as business partners.[31]

At the time of their partnership, Vechtmann had already married at the Cape (10 May 1671) Isabella (Be(e)letje / Beelijtie  / Beelitje / Belje) Fredericks: / Fredricx: (from Amsterdam, North Holland):

Claas Vechtman van Meraer uit Tirool met Beelitje Fredricks:, jonged.[ogter] van Amsterdam

Vechtmann is wounded (29 December 1671): 

“Late at night we were informed that two wanton soldiers, named Christoffel Zweck[32] of Bremen, and Frederick Symonsen[33], in a half drunken state, had outside been fighting with knives, with the result that the latter had had his throat nearly severed by the former, but not alone that! A third person, the husbandman [Claes Vechtmann] before whose door the fight occurred, had, in his kindness, endeavoured to intervene and separate the parties, but had been shot by the same Zweck with a musket charge of shot in his chest, so that his recovery is doubtful. The prepertrator was at once searched for, and when found incarcerated. The patients were properly attended to by the surgeon.”[34]

He dies soon thereafter (18 January 1672):

“The Surgeon[35] reported that the burgher, Claes Vegtsman of Tyrol, who had arrived in the Batavia in 1667 [sic – 1666], and on the 29th of last month [December], been wounded with shot in the chest by a wanton soldier, had departed this life. From a post mortem examination held in presence of commissioners, it however appeared that he had died from a complication of diseases, and not from the wound. His assailant escaped from prison, however, and does not appear to have been found again.” [36]

His widow baptizes (22 March 1672) their son posthumously:[37]  The child, a cripple either from birth or at some later stage, later goes by the name de kreupelende vulkaan.[38]

Soon thereafter his widow marries 2ndly (8 May 1672) the Company baas smit (master smithy) Harman / Harmen Jansen / Jansz: Potgieter (from Noorthoven – present-day Nordhorn in Westphalia).

Nordhorn Church

Since no deceased estate for Vechtmann – or also for Van Schaijck for that matter – have survived, we are left in the dark as to the fate of his worldly goods.  Van Schaijck makes his last known appearance (1678) in the records.[39]  Presumably after all debts are extinguished, his widow and infant inherit the remainder of the estate.  Looking at the deed transfers, Vechtmann’s and Van Schaijcks’s joint debt on their newly purchased (repurchased in the case of Vechtmann) land is likely not to be extinguished so that ownership reverts to Willemse – as well as Joannes Coon[40] (on behalf of the Company).  This explains why the property is next sold (18 March 1672) by the two afore-mentioned joint title holders to Gerrit Pietersz: van der Bijl.

Harmen Jansz: Potgieter

Widow Vechtmann’s 2nd husband is born (1635) in Westphalia, the son of Hermann Potgieter and Schwenne Lodden.  He arrives at the Cape (4 February 1663).[41]  He starts out as a free-farmhand (1665).  He sues (30 July 1670) Willem de Lierman for an outstanding debt and the parties come to an agreement.[42]  He rejoins the Company and is appointed as Company baes smit:[43]  He is convicted (1 June 1671) for cutting wood without permission[44] and again (6 January 1672) [45] for using Company time and equipment for personal gain and sentenced to six months hard labour in the public works with 6 months’ salary to be paid to the fiscal Pieter de Neijn[46].  He again becomes free-burgher (1674) and the family moves (1679) to the new colony at Stellenbosch.  He is granted (1 January 1683) a farm Voorgelegen of which he sells smaller portions to the wagonmaker Abraham Bastiaensz: Pijl[47] (ante 1687) and VOC official Cornelis Petersen Linnes[48] (8 November 1693), respectively.  The farm now forms a large part of the town of Stellenbosch’s CBD.  He sells (29 January 1681) the slave Jacob van Madagascar to Tobias Marquaert[49] for Rds. 25.[50] He is appointed (1685) heemraad (together with Gerrit van der Bijl, Henning Hüsing[51] en Jan Cornelisz: Mostert) and wagmeester of the Artillery.  He dies (c. 1707) and his inventory is drawn up (15 August 1707).[52]

Old antique panoramic view of Ypres (Ieper) by D. Fassmann 1726

Lourens Verbrugge / Verbruggen aka Lourens de Smit

She marries 3rdly (1708) Lourens Verbrugge (from Ypres, Flanders) and they draw up (27 October 1711) a joint will before Peter Kolb (1675-1725)([53] – provisional secretary at Stellenbosch, astronomer and author of note.[54]  The will is witnessed by Adam Tas[55] and Jan Botma[56].  She dies (1711) and her inventory is drawn up (14 January 1712)[57] followed by a Vendu Rol (10 February 1712)[58].

Peter Kolb (1675-1725)

Descendants (Children and Grandchildren)

‘… t is niet te dulden dat een Caaps kindt voor een vaaderlandts keerel souden moeten swigten

b1        Claas Veltman Jr.  – called by Adam Tas de kreupele Vulkaan baptised Cape 22 March 1672 – blacksmith; never marries; promised (1692) the farm Helderenberg (Helderberg) at Moddergat but never takes possession; serves (1705) in Stellenbosch Burgher Cavalry

Helderenberg (Helderberg) at Moddergat

b2        Johannes Harmensz: Potgieter (1674-1733)[59] – baptised Cape 23 September 1674; features in court case (11 October 1696) aiding and abetting Cape-born Jacob Cloete (1675-1713) [60] in an assault on the Limburg-born free-burgher Jan Smit (dies 1696)[61] by taking away Cloete’s knife and supplying him instead with a piece of wood with which to beat a knife-wielding Smit (after being accused by Cloete of committing bestiality with his horse) and egging the fellow Cape-born Cloete on by saying ‘t is niet te dulden dat een Caaps kindt voor een vaaderlandts keerel souden moeten swigten [62]Smit expires shortly afterwards and his assailant is exonerated from directly causing his death; features in Diary of Adam Tas[63]; farmer Hondswijck[64]; after 1st wife’s death (1714), treks further into the Cape interior and settles (1720) at the post aan de Cliprivier[65]; Governor Louis van Assenburgh grants permission (1710) for him to  … gaan leggen en wijden aan ‘t Roode Sant over de Breede Rivier onder aen ‘t Witsens gebergte[66]; marries (1stly) 24 July 1712 Clara Herbst – daughter of freed heelslag private slave Lysbeth Sanders: aka Lijsbeth van de Caep by free-burgher Johann Herbst (from Bremen), granddaughter of Ethiopian slave woman Sabba aka Elisabeth (Lijsbeth) Arabus van Abissina; her inventory is drawn up (22 February 1714)[67]; marries (2ndly) Maria Catharina van Eeden – daughter of Jan Jansz: van Eeden (from Oldenborg) and his 2nd wife Marie Rousseau  (from Blois, Orléanais) – who as widow marries (2ndly) 13 June 1734 Drakenstein heemraad Theunis Botha (1668-c. 1746)[68], widower of Maria Magdalena Snijman (1693-1723) [69].

Hondswijck, Drakenstein

            c1        Lijsbet Potgieter marries Andries de Jager

            c2        Sibilla Potgieter marries Philip du Preez

b3        Fredrik Potgieter baptised 28 March 1677[70] – dies young

b4        Catharina (Trijntje) Harmens: Potgieter baptised 26 November 1679[71]; marries (1stly) Peter / Pieter Eppenaer / Hübner / Huppenaar (from Hamburg)born (1662); soldier (1693); burgher (1693) resident on farm Honswyk at Paarl; 3 sons; he is found guilty of illicit bartering of cattle with the Hottentots over de Berg and sentenced, (1 December 1698) to be flogged and banished; his property is confiscated and sold by public auction[72]; marries (2ndly) Drakenstein c. 1702 Coenraad Cloete[73], widow of Martha (Marritje) Verschuur[74]; marries (3rdly) 4 January 1705 Jacob / Jacques Potje / Potjee / Pottier (from Mohrum [Moscroom in Flanders?]); her inventory is drawn up (27 October 1714)[75]; he marries (2ndly) 15 April 1714 Anna Louisz:[76]

c1        Hermanus Huppenaar

c2        Mattheus Huppenaar baptized Stellenbosch 28 September 1698

c3        Frederik Huppenaar (1701-c. 1737) baptized Stellenbosch 20 February 1701; marries 31 March 1736 Catharina Hoffman[77]

c4        Sibilla Potje baptized Stellenbosch 22 November 1705; dies young

c5        Jacobus Potje baptized Stellenbosch 4 December 1707; dies young

c6        Antie Potje baptized Stellenbosch 25 May 1710; dies young

c7        Jannetje Potjie baptized Stellenbosch 11 December 1712; dies young

c8        Anthonij Potje baptism not found

step-sons:

c1        Hendrik Cloete (1696-1738) baptized 25 November 1696; dies in adulthood unmarried – no issue

c2        Jacobus (Jacob) Cloete (1699-c. 1749) baptized marries 19 July 1722 1st cousin once removed Sibilla Pasman (1693-1778)[78], widow of Johannes Albertus Laubscher (1686-1719)[79]

Sibilla Pasman (1693-1778)

b5        Elisabeth Potgieter baptised 28 June 1682

b6        Amerentia Potgieter baptised 17 September 1684

b7        Maria Potgieter baptised 31 August 1687[80] marries 24 October 1726 Jacobus Steyn (1683-1752)[81]they own the garden Welgemeend in Table Valley

b8        Hans Jurgen Potgieter (1690-1737) – baptised 16 July 1690; burgher Drakenstein; addresses brother Johannes Harmensz: Potgieter (1674-1733) in a letter (9 May 1717)[82]; marries 31 March 1720 Cornelia Botha[83]

b9        Beatrix Potgieter baptised 17 March 1693; marries (1stly) 4 February 1714[84] Dirk Vroomhof / Vroonhof (from Sonsbeek / Sonsbeck, Dist. Wesel, Duchy of Cleves), widower of Alida (Aeltje) Verschuur[85], widow Reynier Lourens Nauta (from Franeker); arrives (1708); junior surgeon (1708-1716); surgeon (1717); marries (2ndly) 1726 Elias Kien (from Amsterdam) – ensign junior surgeon and opperchirurg; ship’s surgeon on Berbice; she goes (1730) to Amsterdam with her 2nd husband Elias and two children residing (18 December 1732) at  Reguliersgracht in Amsterdam

Sonsbeck Historie – Gerebernuskapelle mit Muehle – Jan de Beijer – vor 1739

c1        Paulus Vroonhof baptized Cape 27 January 1715[86]; dies in infancy

c2        Paulus Vroonhof baptized Cape 29 January 1719[87]

c3        Elizabeth Vroonhof baptized Cape 6 June 1723[88]


[1] Archaeological investigation (1994): Title 93/1670 No diagram i.[n]f.[avour]o[f]: Willem Willems b.[ought]f:[rom] Claas Vechtman ext[en]t: 13 morgen 264 sq[uare] r[oo]ds s.p: 1100 gulders d.[ate]d: 15th April 1670 descr:[iption] Sold with houses and sheds (stallinge) “elf trek ossen, twee waagens, een egg en een ploeg” and “gereedschappen aan de gemelde huisinge” This transfer refers to a freehold, or title of 1669. A careful search through both grants and transfers for 1669 showed nothing despite checking back as far as 1660. The only title that could possibly relate to this property description is T40/1665 in which Willem Willems is selling to Willem Schalk van der Merwe a piece of land … “in de grote veld op pad tussen Tafel Baai en Falsbaai” in extent 11 morgen 400 sq roods. No forwarding transfer was given. Both signatories were illiterate. The mark of Willem Willemsz is an upside-down W (Plate 1). The text partly reads: “..a piece of land … with the house standing on it and stables, 11 trek oxen, 2 wagons, one harrow and 1 plough with attachments …”.  The section in bold [my emphasis] possibly connecting this deed to T40/1665, however, seems implausible and makes no sense.

[2] Present-day Trentino-Alto Adige / Südtirol in Italy.

[3] Details of voyage 1055.1 from Maas to Batavia

Number1055.1
Name of shipBATAVIA
MasterHermansz., Dirk
Tonnage756
Type of shippinas? jacht?
Builtbought 1666
YardRotterdam
ChamberRotterdam
Date of departure01-08-1666
Place of departureMaas
Arrival at Cape27-12-1666
Departure from Cape11-01-1667
Date of arrival at destination31-03-1667
Place of arrivalBatavia
ParticularsVia S. Tiago (13-09-1666).
Next homeward voyage5571.1
On BoardIIIIIIIVVVI
Seafarers8401310279
Soldiers340226018

[4] Gerrit Pietersen van de Bijl voor adelborst end ‘Camer Rotterdam anno 1667[sic – 1666] p[e]r ‘t jacht Batavia aangelant.  More about him in the 3rd instalment.

[5] Jacob Klute [Clauten / Cloete / Cloeten / Clouth / Cloutten / Klauten / Kloeten] – one of the Cape’s 1st permanent European settlers – arriving (7 August 1657) on VOC ship Verenigde Provincien (Zeeland Chamber) departing Wielingen (13 April 1657) and granted letter of freedom as burgher (10 August 1657).   Joined (16 August 1657) in colony by son Gerrit Jacobsen Cloete aka Dronke Gerritand re-united (16 March 1659) with wife Sophia (Feigen / Fijtje / Fijckje / Feykje / Vytgen) Radero(o)tjes / Radergenties / Ra(e)dergorts / Radergeortge(n)s (from Uts in’t Land van Keulen [Oedt, near Kempen]) and daughter Elsje Jacobs: Cloete.Cape lore has it that “at the early Cape of Good Hope, there were only two Families worth considering … the one family was the Cloetes and the other, the Van der Byls. According to their status, the Van der Byl’s ONLY spoke to the Cloetes and the Cloetes ONLY spoke to God …” This colonial Afrikaner family appears to have more Cloete surname-bearing descendants amongst ‘English-speaking white South Africans’ and ‘Cape Coloured families’, with a much smaller percentage remaining, or appearing to be, exclusively Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans … direct descendants of the stamvader`s great-grandson Gerrit Cloete – ancestor to the Cloete Basters, have also ramified in Griqualand, Namaqualand (South Africa), Namaland (Namibia) and further afield, not to mention innumerable ‘Anglo-Indian’/ British descendants … and then there is the further, well-nigh incalculable, ramification of descendants from the Cloete family via female lines including even whole families like Van der Merwe, [Janse/n] van Rensburg [plus variations of the name] and Bauermeister, just to mention a few such Cloete-descended colonial as well as indigenous families …The Cloete family can justifiably qualify, together with other early Cape colonial families such as the Van Wyk and Eksteen families, as being, not just one of the oldest, but also one of the most inclusive or racially / ethnically / linguistically representative ‘colonially induced, ‘creolized’ and ‘indigenized’ Southern African families … He signs his name Jacob Cloutten [Donald Moodie, The Record, p. 161].

[6] Jacob Cloeten van Ceulen [Cologne]
                d[it]o. knechts    { Jan van Gorcum van Rotterdam 
                                                { Claes Vechtman van Tirole [Merano, Tyrol]
                                                { Jacob Cornelisz: [Sem] van Amsterdam.

[7] Christiaan Jansz: (from Husum, Nordfriesland), arrives at the Cape (9 July 1654) as VOC soldier on de Goudtsblom a[nn]o. 1654:  adelborst (1 May 1656), Company groom, game hunter, spy, explorer, superintendent of Company stables (15 April 1662), free-burgher (1670), thatcher, stock maker and innkeeper.  Purchases (5 December 1658) the slave (later free-black at Stellenbosch) Anthonij van Angola from the geweldiger (provost) Nathaniel West.  During 1st Dutch-Khoe War is wounded by an assegai and shoots (19 July 1659) fleeing Goringhaiqua interpreter Doman aka Anthonij while injuring with his sword two other indigenes. He is husband to Christina (Stijntje) Jans: Steens (also from Husum) who joins him (ante 1670).  She dies (11 January 1673) in a fire when their place – presumably at Salt River – is set alight by avenging Cape indigenes during the protracted 2nd Dutch-Khoe War: “During the past night the house of a burgher [Christiaen Jansz:], distant half and hour from the Fort, and situated in the country, was, with the stables, sheep-shed, and 480 sheep that were in the latter, completely burnt down. The housewife [Stijntje Steens:], who had endeavoured to save some money, remained behind too long in the burning house, and was so hurt with the flames that she died this day” [H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Journal, p. 105].  Christiaen Jansz: last appears in the muster (1685).

[8] Frans Pieters:, sailor; murder of another sailor; sentenced (1 December 1667) to be shot.  Executed (2 December 1667) [No. 82][ Donald Moodie, The Record, p. 313].

[9] Claas Vegtman, wood-cutter; violent assaults & wounding: sentenced to witness execution of Pieters:, to have ball fired overhead, banished in chains (3 years); & forfeiting 6 months’ pay, ½ pro fisco, ½ for the poor, besides paying the doctor [No. 82].

B. Hendrick:, labourer in Company`s service; the same affray as 82 & 83; sentenced as No. 83.

Jerig Waller [Jurgen Wallert], late wood-cutter; same affray; sentenced to be well flogged by Caffers [Company slaves used as correctional officers under supervision of a Company mandoor, geweldiger (provost) and fiscal (prosecutor)], to work in chains for 1 year; & to forfeit 6 months’ wages [CA: CJ 725:83; Donald Moodie, The Record, p. 313; Journal (20, 21, 22 -26 November & 1 December 1667)].  Jurgen Wallert is listed (1672) not as convict on Robben Islandbut Hier in ‘t fort in apprehentie [CA:  VC 39, vol. 2:  Muster Roll of Officers & Men at the Cape 1656-167, [pp. 137-155].

[10]Claes Vechtman van Tijrol …

[11] Claes Vechtman en                  } geaccompagneerdens
Hendrick Jansz: van Schaeijken [Schaijk] }

[12] Willem Willemsz: (from Deventer, Overijssel) nicknamed de Lierman (‘the lyreman’) – more about him in the 2nd instalment.

[13] Vide archaeological investigation.

[14] Title 96/1670 i.f.o Claas Vechtman and Hendrik Jans b.f. Willem Willemse ext. 13 morgen 264 sq rds s.p. d.d. 2nd September 1670 descr: Sold with houses and sheds (stallinge).

[15] Details of voyage 0886.1 from Texel to Batavia

Number0886.1
Name of shipLEERDAM
Master
Tonnage400
Type of shipfluit
Built
YardAmsterdam
ChamberAmsterdam
Date of departure16-04-1658
Place of departureTexel
Arrival at Cape07-08-1658
Departure from Cape21-08-1658
Date of arrival at destination02-12-1658
Place of arrivalBatavia
ParticularsIn 1671 sold for breaking up.
Next homeward voyage
On BoardIIIIIIIVVVI
Seafarers172312119
Soldiers34
Passengers2

[16] Dirck Dircksz: van Mondtfordt [Montfoort, Utrecht] stows away (1659) with others in return fleet and on discovery sent back to the Cape from St. Helena [CA: C 2, pp. 2-5 (Council of Policy resolution, 29 May 1659)]:  … Mede gesien dat geen van alle de persoonen welcqe haer met de retourscheepen hebben versteecqen per ‘t Galjot Zuylen van St. Helena en sijn wederom gecomen: is verstaan hare reecqe. te sluijten ende te goedt synde saldos voor d’ E.[dele] Comp[agni]e. geconfisqueert aff te schrijven synde deselve genaempt ende geweest als te weeten:

Toe goedtTe quaedt.
Vrijel 2. {Pieter Heijnse uijtte Rijp vry timmermanƒ91:10:-:
Wernaer Cornelisz: van Nunspeet vry landtbouwer
Aen d’ E.[ele] Comp[agni]e. over vaderlandtz schult ƒ84. 8. 11
ende over genot staende sijn vrijdom: ƒ485. 14. 1ƒ569:18:12
Aen diverse vrijelƒ84:18:-:
ƒ654:16:12
Toe goedt noch te quaedt.
Vrijeluijden kneghts 8. {Jan Pietersz: van Aenraedt
Jan Hendricxsz: van N. Nieropƒ9:11:08
Carel Meleyn van Bruggeƒ71:16:-:
J Claes Geraerds: van Leeuwenƒ54:02:-:
Pieter Jacobsz: van Bodegrave.ƒ60:13:02
Dircq Cornelis: Grutter van Hoornƒ97:10:08
Jan Cruijcq van Antwerpenƒ65:14:-:
Dirck Dircksz: van Mondtfordt [Montfoort, Utrecht]ƒ128:16:-:
Comps. dienaers 6. {Cornelis Geleijns: van Atteƒ48:14:08
Abel Sjours: van Seruijsumƒ20:06:09
Jan Elias: van Leijdenƒ40:08:15
Hendrick Jansz: van Nordenƒ42:04:07
Jochum Eijssenƒ59:15:-:
Hendricq Heunichƒ28:10:03
Bandijten 3. {Frans Helmich
Ertman Gleuge van Straelsondt
19.Domingo van Bengale

Dirck Dircksen – no provenance – listed in garrison muster (1672) [CA:  VC 39, vol. 2:  Muster Roll of Officers & Men at the Cape 1656-1673, pp. 137-155].

[17] François de Coninck (from Ghent, Flanders) – arrives (7 August 1658) at the Cape on Leerdam as soldier [Anna J. Böeseken, Resolusies van die Politieke Raad, Deel I (1651-1669), p. 278.  Not to be confused with same-named bookkeeper on board Oijevaer – Anna J. Böeseken, Resolusies van die Politieke Raad, Deel I (1651-1669), p. 101)].  A mason (and later free-burgher?), attests (22 August1660) in trial of Company gunner Willem Cornelisz: (from Rotterdam); participates in expedition (30 January 1661-11 March 1661) into the interior with intrepid Dane, Pieter Meerhoff who at that time lives openly in concubinage with the in/famous interpreter, the indigene Krotoa (later baptised Eva); and convicted (with Coenraet Jansz: Schilbergen) and given a suspended sentence (24 February 1663) and – together with free-burghers, Nicolaes Bord / del Bort (from Arien) and Nellie Cloepert, both sentenced to 100 lashes and fined 6 reals-of-8 each – punished for fighting and disorderly behavior [Anna J. Böeseken, Uit die Raad van Justisie, p. xxvii]; fathers illegitimate daughter Anna de Coninck / Coningh by private slave (later free-black) Maaij Ansela van Bengale (dies 1720). Thereafter disappears from Cape records – presumably after serving sentence.  Opts to leave or absconds?  

[18] Jacques Braequerie / Bracquene / Brackenij (from Bergen, Hanault) – listed in muster: (1658-1659) as independent free-burgher and wagonmaker; (1660, 1662) as one of many knechts or Niederlantse dienaers: for Leendert Cornelisz: (from Zevenhuizen, Zuid-Holland), houtsaeger en timmerman; free-burgher (1663): Jacques Brackenij, wagemaker d[it]o. knecht  Tielman Ariaens: van Gorcum; (1664): Op hun selffsJacques Brackenij vrij wagenr); (1667): Jacques Brakenij van Bergen in Henegouwen; (1670): Jacques Bracquene; (4 February 1671): permitted – with Jacob Cloete (from Cologne) – to repatriate following termination of contract … Wijders bij eenige van de landbouwers alhier, naementlijck Jacob Cloethen [Cloete] van Keulen en Jacques Braekenij van Bergen in Henegouw, den Raad verthoont zijnde, dat deselve, vermits expiratie van hunn[e] respectiven tijden, die bij d’ E.[dele] Comp[agni]e. voor de vrijluijden allomme in India wonende, gestipuleert zijn, alsnu genegen waeren met dese retourvloot wederom nae ‘t vaederland te keren ende dierhalven daertoe consent versoghten: Soo is aan deselve, om dat tot geen lange[r] verblijff zijn te disponeren geweest, zulx toegestaen, mits betaelende alhier sodanigen cost ende transport gelt als daertoe is gestalt … [Council of Policy resolution, 4 February 1671].  

[19] Dircq Dircxsaen, of Montfoort, sailor on the flute Leerd[a]m. Granted freedom 15 August 1658; Jaques Brackeny, of Bergen in Hanault, soldier in the Fort. Granted 15 August [1658], Hendrick Jansz: Schayck, of Montfoort [Utrecht], arquebusier at the Fort. Granted 15 August [1658]. (On margin, “Condemned for sheep stealing to be riveted in irons & banished”) [H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Letters of Freedom]; … François de Coninck van Gent soldaet hier te lande gecomen met ‘t fluijtschip Leerdam in Augusto ao. 1658 a 9 gl. per maent, welcke zedert ende noch gebruijckt is aen ‘t metselen, wort dierhalven op sijn versoeck ende bequaemheijt als metselaer toegelegt twaelff gulds. per maent, gagie ingaende primo Januarij deses jaers 1662 mits daervoor syn verbonden tijt alhier uijt te dienen … [CA: C 2, pp. 248-253 (Council of Policy resolution (15 April 1662)].

[20] Hendrick Jansz: Schayck, of Montfoort [Utrecht], arquebusier at the Fort. Granted 15 August [1658]. (On margin, “Condemned for sheep stealing to be riveted in irons and banished”) [H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Letters of Freedom].

[21] 1661:  Jan Pieters: [Louw] van Caspel ter Mare [Marne, Ditmarsken], lantbouwer 
                                Nederlandsche dienaars: 
                                                Hendrick Jansz: van Schaijck [from Montfoort, Utrecht], 
                                                Hendrick Hermans: van Inger [sic – Ingen, Gelderland], 
                                                Mathijs Homs [sic – Hansz:] van Coppenhaven [Copenhagen, Denmark]

[22] Hendrick / Hendrik Harmansz: / Hermansz: / Hermensen (from Ingen, Gelderland) – arrives (1659) on de Gecroonde Leeuw; muster (1663):

Jan Pietersz: [Louw] van Caspeltermare, lantbouwer, geh. met Beatris Weijmans: van Utrecht
               do. knechts
{ Mathijs Hansen van Coppenhagen
               { Harmensz: Hendrick van Ingen  (mark indicating names should be reversed, ie
Hendrick Harmensz:)
              { Leendert Maertens: Barendreght

requests (12 April 1664) to end service as knecht [CA: C 3, pp. 16-26 (Council of Policy resolution, 12 April 1664)]: … Hendrick Harmansz: van Inger [Ingen] alhier gelant met ‘et schip de Gecroonde Leeuw ano. 1659 voor soldaet a 9 gl. per maent, nu eenige tijdt herwaerts tot den landtbouw is gebruijckt en dat noch omtrent een jaer te dienen heeft, wort op sijn versoeck, en bequaemheijt ten reguarde van den moeijelijcken arbeijt, van heden af toegeleght thien guldens ter maent daer voor sijn tijt sal hebben uijt te dienen; 10 April 1665 C 3, pp. 63-80 (Council of Policy resolution, 10 April 1665) … Hendrick Harmansz: van Ingeren [sic] lantbouwer, met ‘et schip de Gecroonde Leeuw alhier a[nn]o. 1659 aengelant, en zedert in Comps. bouwinge gebruijct, wort mits desen de novo voor drie jaren op sijn versouck onder oude qualite (vermits tijtsexpiratie) met een maendelijcke soldije van darthien guldens weder in dienst aengenomen, verbant en gagie heden sijn aenvanck nemende;  muster (1667) as knecht:

Jan Pieters: [Louw] van Caspel ter Mare geh.[uwd] met Beatrix Weijman van Uttr.[echt] 
                                do. knechts            { Hendrick Harmans: van Ingeren [Ingen]
                                                              { Hendrick Alberts: van Eupe 
                                                              { Leendert Martens: van … 
                                                              { Jasper de Smit van Middelburg);

listed (1672) Aent ‘t Comp[agnie]:s Corenschuer [De Schuur] [CA:  VC 39, vol. 2:  Muster Roll of Officers & Men at the Cape 1656-1673, pp. 137-155].

[23] Matthys Hansz: / Hansen van Huyer (from Copenhagen, Denmark) sailor on ship Oliphant.  Granted letter of freedom (27 November 1660); listed muster roll for freemen (1661 & 1662) as knecht (‘servant’) to Jan Pietersz: Louw (from Caspel ter Mare [Marne, Ditmarsken – also recorded as coming from Ditmarsh / Ditmarsken incorporated into Holsten [Dithmarschen, Schleswig-Holstein]); knecht (1665) for free-burgher Steven Jansz: Botma (from Wageningen, Gelderland).

[24] Jan Pietersz: / Pieterse / Pietersen / Petersen [Louw]  van  Caspel ter Mare  or Ditmaersen / Ditmaersz:alias Broertie / Broertje /  Broertjen (from Marne, Ditmarsken) [Note: See CA: C 2952, pp. 542-547 & C 328, pp. 403-405 & Anna J. Böeseken, Uit die Raad van Justisie 1652-1672, pp. 406 & 408, where mentioned as Jan Pietersz: van Ditmaersz:  & Jan Pietersen van Ditmaersen (alias Broertje)] – arrives (8 March 1659) on Princes RoyaelJan Pietersen [Louw] van Carspeltermare met de Princes Royal anno 1659 voor de Camer Zeelandt aangelant … free-burgher (15 January 1660);  joins (22 March 1660) mass stowaway ex Cape, but when apprehended, declares “that the crews of the return ships had caught hold of him near the jetty, and pushed him on from behind in order to drag him into the boat, saying, ‘You must go with us, leave this cursed country, what do you do here,’ &c” [H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Letters Despatched from the Cape, 1652-1662: Attestations, p. 438]; marries (1stly); Hubbeken Reijniersz: engaged (20 August 1661) / marries (2ndly) Cape Tuesday (23 August 1661) (by Rev. Godefridus van Akendam) Beatrix Weijman / Weyman / Wijman (from Utrecht) who arrives (16 August 1661) on De Jonge Prins van Hoorn; buys (13 August 1671) [V, pp. 90-91] lsaacq (aged l6 / l8) from Wijnandt Leendertsz: [Bezuidenhout] for 4 oxen and an old wagon; buys (20 December 1672) [V, p. 247] Thomas van Bengale aka Tomas van Macassar (aged 22), from  Dirck Bosch, free-burgher of the Cape for Rds. 100; inventory (12 March 1694): CA: MOOC 8/1, no. 10 Jan Pietertsz: Louw 12 Meert 1694 Inventaris staat en exact taxatie der roerende en onroerende goederen, nagelaten bij den borger Jan Pietersz: Louw[dele] Broertjens ten voordeele van sijn egtehuijs Biatrix Weijman ter eener, en vier kinderen waar van 3 mondig sijnde, met een soontje oud 14 jaaren ter anderen sijde soo als deselve door de E: Weesmeesteren op dato deses sijn bevonden waardigh te weesen bestaande in getale en waarde als volgt, namentlijk

ƒ
Een hofstede tegenwoordigh bij deselves nagelaten weduwe bewoond; waar op een woonhuijs, hock, schuur, pershuijs; waarbij is een wijnpers met sijn toebehooren, met 12 heele ledige leggers, 4 halve leggers, 3 amen, 2 mompijpen, 4 vaten van 3 halve amen groot; 6 balien, 7 vaten om droogh goet in te doen: sijnde geoordeelt waardigh te weesen4000:–
300 p:s schapen kleijn en groot et p:s ƒ2600:–
10 p:s ossen, et p:s ƒ30300:–
8 p:s paarden met een veulen, et p:s ƒ30 et veulen daerbij240:–
2 p:s slaven, en twee slavinnen met een kind, alle960:–
14 p:s leggers schoone wijn, de legger ƒ90 is1260:–
1 pertij timmerhout, waardig volgens reecq:400:–
1 backtrogh, met 2 wagens met haar toebehoren160:–
1 ploegh met sijn toebehoren met60:–
2 eeghden met ijsere tanden samen
1 kist met timmermans gereetschap20:–
4 graven met
5 schoffels
4 picken
5 hacken
6 mist vorken
1 klaauw
8 bijlen
1 yseren koevoet
1 yseren stamper
4 snoeijmessen
4 zeijzens
2 zigten
1 trecksaag
1 schulpsaag
12 zickels
3 paardetomen
5 traanpotten, alle waardigh80:–
2 kisten met
1 oude viszegen
1 kruijwagen
1 mist burrij
1 kelder met 11 flessen
2 zadels
1 p:s holsters, alle waardig20:–
3 snaphaanen
2 p:s pistolen
2 oud degens
3 karbijns
1 riem
2 portepees, alle getaxeert op61:–
4 wateremmers met
3 ijseren lampen
1 was-balij, samen waardig6:–
2 slaap-koijen met
2 slaap-kadels
2 behangsels, getaxeert op36:–
3 p:s bedden met
9 p:s hooftkussens
2 p:s hooft peulewen, gewaardeert op80:–
12 p:s slaap-lakens met
16 p:s kussensloopen
24 p:s servetten
5 p:s combaarsen, getaxeert op50:–
2 p:s kisten met
2 p:s tafels
14 p:s stoelen
6 p:s stoelkussens, alle geprijseert op100:–
1 etenkas met
1 cabinetjen
2 kapstocken
1 spiegel
2 houte schaalen
1 houte evenaar
2 lb lootgewigt, alle waardigh50:–
2 tinne schootels met
2 tinne commen
28 tinne tafelborden
24 tinne leepels, getaxeert op68:–
1 koperen vijsel met
1 koperen stamper
3 strijkijsers
2 schuijmspaanen
1 koperen lepel
1 koperen snuijter
1 koperen pannetje, alle geprijseert op24:–
7 p:s ijseren potten met
3 p:s ijseren oude haartkettings
1 ijseren tangh
1 p:s treeft
1 p:s rooster
2 p:s koekepans, getaxeert op38:–
1 koperen theeketel met
1 ijseren convoort
3 theepotten, alle gewaardeert op10:–
20 theekopjes met 38 theepieringen
1 porselijne schootel, 2 porselijne borden
2 aardekannen, 2 aardecommen
2 aardepannetjes, 9 aardeschootels
3 aardepotten
5 rackjes met 2 aardebacken
4 houte lepels, alle getaxeert op37:10
10 mudd: rogh ƒ70 met
3 mudd: bonen ƒ59
4 mudd: gort ƒ16 is alle140:–
Voorsz: boedel moet hebben volgens bewijs, van als volgd, namentlijk
ƒ
van Willem Jansz: Wereld, volgens afreecq:108:–
van Jan Hermensz: [Potgieter] en Hendrik Zeger in comp:[agni]e155:–
van Maarten Meeckelenburgh240:–
van Jan Ruptjens over 1 p:s kaatjes lijwaat, met Sinees lijwaat22:–
Sommaƒ9325:10
Voorsz: boedel is schuldig aan als volgd, te weeten
ƒƒ
aan de Diaconie over capitaal en intrest336:–
aan Trijntjen Dirkx: Verweij330:–
aan Mattijs Wigman105:–
aan d’ E:[dele] Comp:[agni]e over knegts loon79:–
aan Pieter Jansz: Louw volgens reecq:187:–
aan de Secretaris over diversche besigheden75:–
aan de Geregts bode over eenige citatien volgens reecq:7:10
1119:10
Dese voorn: ƒ1119:10 lasten des boedels van de voorsz: ƒ9325:10 afgetrocken sijnde blijft het nette der boedels, een somma vanƒ8206:–

Aldus geinventariseert en geprijseert aan Caap de Goede Hoop, den 12 Meert a:o 1694.

De E:E: Weesmeesteren hebben geaccordeert dat de pertij timmerhout bij voorsz: boedel sijnde van ƒ400 aan Jan Ruptjens tot afkorting van sijn portie sal geworden, om sijn timmeragien voort te setten.

Presente Weesmeesteren: Joan Blesius, F:[rancois] v:[a]n d:[er] Stel

Dit is de + handteikening van Biatricx Weijman, voorn:[oem]t

Mij present: A: Coopman, Secretaris

5 children from 2nd marriage:

(1)           Pieter Louw (1667-ante 1719) baptised 17 July 1667; marries Elisabeth Wendels: (from Amsterdam)

(2)           Anna Louw baptised 9 November 1670; marries (1stly) Willem Jansz: de Weereld; marries (2ndly)

Hendrik Hendriksz: Elberts (son of Aletta ter Mollen); marries (3rdly) Johannes Pithius

(3)           Claes Louw (1673-1693) baptised 24 October 1673; dies 1693

(4)           Margaretha Louw baptised 29 April 1677; marries Johannes Rauchgansz (from Hameln)

(5)           Jacobus Louw (1679-1713) baptised 21 January 1680; marries Maria van Brakel (daughter of Sara van Roosendaal)

[CA: MOOC 8/1, no. 20 (Inventory: Broertjen, 12 March 1694); MOOC 23/5, nos. 15 ObligatieJan Pietersz: Hoesum, 10 & 100 (InventarisJan Pietersz: van Hoesum; Jannie Louw and Lalie Malan, The Louws of Louwvliet: The Story of the first South African Louws].

[25] 1662:  Wouter Cornelisz: Mostaert van Utrecht, vrij tichel ende steenbacker
 geh. met Hester Weijer: van Lier
d[it]o. knechts
    {  Robbert Robbertsz: van Woerden
    {  Jan Cornelisz: [Mostaert] van Utrecht
    {  Hendrick Jansz: van Schaijck [from Montfoort, Utrecht] .

But note the following entry in the same muster which may possibly be a mistaken double entry for one Hendrick Jansz: Lae van Munsterl.[and] can be traced:

Jan Pietersz: [Louw] van Caspel ter Mare [Marne, Ditmarsken], geh.[uwd] met Beatrix Weijmans:, van Utrecht

D[it]o. knechts [of Jan Petersen Louw]
    {  Hendrick Harmansz: van Inger[sic – Ingen, Gelderland]   

Matthijs Hansz: van Coppenhaven[Copenhagen, Denmark]
    {  Hendrick Jansz: Lae van Munsterl.[and]

[26] Robbert Robbertsz: (from Woerden, Zuid-Holland but now Utrecht] – rejoins (10 April 1665) Company as a bricklayer Robbert Robbertsz: van Woerden boss[chiete]r. met ‘et fluijtschip Hilversum en 10 gl. ter maent a[nn]o. 1661 hier gecomen, sijn verbonden tijt alsnu g’expireert zijnde, en kennise van ‘t metselen hebbende, wort op sijn versouck noch drie jaren aengenomen, en de qualite van metselaer met een beloningh van twaelff gl. ter maent toegevoucht, verbant en gagie heden ingaende … [CA: C 3, pp. 63-80 (Council of Policy resolution, 10 April 1665)]; contract as bricklayer renewed (7 May 1666)  … Robbert Robbertsz: van Woerden anno 1661, voor boss[chiete]r. en 10 gl. per m[aen]t. alhier per de fluijt Hilversum gecomen, ende den 10en April a[nn]o. passo. tot metselaer met 12 gl. ‘s maents gestelt, zedert die tijt merendeels aen ‘t steenbacken gebruijct, alwaer goede kennisse van heeft, om welcke insichten, als op sijn versouck in d[it]o. qualite wort geconfirmeert maendelijcke zoldije van 14 gl. toegevoucht heden ingaende, mits subject als boven … [CA: C 4, pp. 11-3080 (Council of Policy resolution, 7 May 1666)]; free-burgher (1667) – steenbacker.

[27] Jan Cornelisz: Mostaert (from Utrecht)

[28] Wouter Cornelisz: Mostaert (from Utrecht)

[29] Muster (1663): Wouter Cornelis: Mostert van Utrecht steen en tichelbacker, geh.[uwd] met Hester Weijers: van Lier
                d[it]o. knechts

{Jan Corn.[elisz:] [Mostert] van Utrecht
{ Hendrick Jans: van Eldenzee [sic- Hendrick Jansz: van Schaijk (from Montfoort, Utrecht)]
 {Jan Severijns: van Eldenzee [Elkerzee, Zeeland]

[30] Jan Severensz:, / Severijns: (from Elkerzee, Zeeland) – granted vrijbrief (12 April 1660): Pieter de Puyt of Yperen [Ypres, Flanders] & Jan Severeynsz: of Elsezee [Elkerzee, Zeeland] granted vrijbrieven [H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Letters Despatched 1652-1662 to which are added land grants, attestations, Journal of voyage to Tristan da Cunha, names of freemen, &c., vol. III – Note: vrijbrief or letter of freedom officially releases VOC employees from contractual obligations according them status of vrijburgher (free-burgher); listed in muster (1661): Vrelants geselschat 

Jan Martens: de Wacht van Vreelant } Vrouw: Neeltje Ariens: van Vreelant Vrijeluijden 

Frans Gerrits: van den Uijthoorn

Nederlandse dienaers 
Jan Severijns: van Elserzee [Elkerzee, Zeeland]
 Hendricq Gijsb:[ertsz:] van Westerbeek, Land van Cuik, Noord-Brabant  [provenance also recorded as Westbroeck, Utrecht]

Jan Severensz:, (of Elserzee [Elkerzee, Zeeland]), sailor – regranted burgher papers (20 September 1662). 

muster  (1664):    Jacob Cornelis: van Rosendael [(from Woerden, Zuid-Holland – now Utrecht)]
                                                Ned.[ederlandsche] dienaers          

{ Jan Severeijns v.[an] Elsearse [sic – Elkerzee, Zeeland]
              { Claes Aerts: Goes

[31] Claes Vechtman en                     } geaccompagneerdens
Hendrick Jansz: van Schaeijken  }

[32] Not listed in garrison muster (1672) [CA:  VC 39, vol. 2 (Muster Roll: Officers and Men at the Cape 1656-1673), pp. 137-155].

[33] Not listed in garrison muster (1672) [CA:  VC 39, vol. 2 (Muster Roll: Officers and Men at the Cape 1656-1673), pp. 137-155].

[34] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Journal 1671-1674 & 1676, p. 36.

[35] Johann Schreyer (from Lobenstein, Thuringia) – junior surgeon assigned the task of doing the autopsy on the Hottenttot suicide Zara’s corpse.  Joins VOC arriving at the Cape as adelborst arriving on board Eendracht (3 December 1668).  Appointed acting junior surgeon (1670), junior surgeon in (1671) and surgeon (1672).  Marries (24 January 1672) Jacomyntie / Jacomyntje Backers: / Bakkers: / Barkers:)(from Amsterdam), widow of senior surgeon, Meester Jan Holl.  They have the following children:

(1)           Johannes baptised 19 March 1673 (dies in infancy)

(2)           Johannes baptised 20 May 1674

Schreyer and family, including stepdaughter Gertruyda Hol (baptised Cape 22 March 1671), later go to India.  He writes a book in which he also gives a description of the Cape entitled Neue Ost-Indische Reisbeschreibung von Anno 1669 biss 1677 handelnde von unterscheidenen Afrikanischen und Barbarischen Völkern, sonderlich dere an dem Vor-Gebürge, Caput Bonae Spei sich enthaltenden sogenannten Hottentotten published (Leipzig 1681) [See J. Hoge, Personalia of the Germans at the Cape (Cape Archives Year Book 1946), p. 37; R. Raven-Hart, Cape Good Hope, vol.  I, pp. 114-139].  In his writings makes no mention, whatsoever, of Zara or of the autopsy performed on her corpse.  He is also the surgeon who helps perform (together with Pieter Walbrandt) the autopsy on the strangled infant of the Company slave woman Susanna van Bengale alias Een Oor on 8 December 1669 [Mansell G. Upham, ‘Consecrations to God: The nasty, brutish and short life of SUSANNA FROM BENGAL – otherwise known as ‘ONE EAR’ – the Cape of Good Hope’s 2nd recorded female convict’, Capensis, no. 3 (2001)].  Schreyer is also uniquely and strategically placed when the surviving Hottentot infant baptised Florida was exhumed alive (24 January 1669) but who dies soon thereafter (April / May that same year) [Mansell G. Upham, ‘In Memoriam:  FLORIDA, Capensis, no. 2 (2001), p. 13]. No record of any autopsy having been performed on Florida could be found.  Was an autopsy ever performed on that occasion?  The report of the autopsy done by Jan Schreyer on Zara’s corpse has been preserved but never published [CA: C 2397 (18 December 1671), pp. 133 or 20 or 193].  In the presence of commissioners, Schreyer cuts open the corpse of a certain female Hottentot known popularly as Sara (18 December 1671).  Externally, her face is purple and swollen like a ball.  The mouth is full of foam.  Around the neck a purple ring could be observed, likely to have been caused by a cord cutting into the flesh but without any external wounds being visible.  Internally, blood had collected in the hollow of the chest and the lungs are full of foam and flooded with blood.  The findings are indicative that the deceased Hottentot women did not die naturally, but died a violent death due to suffocation.  Of course, Schreyer makes no mention whatsoever of Zara’s one double-nippled breast and gives no discription of her dangling genital organs.  There is also no mention of any pregnancy.  What happens to the stones found in her pancreas?:  Ick ondergeschrevene Jan Schreijer van Löwenstein onderchijrurgijn in diens van de Vrije Vereenigde Nerdelantsche g’Octroijeerde Oost-Indische Comp:[agni]e en alhier in des Fortresse de Goede Hoope in die qualiteijt, mits ‘t afsterven van den Opperchijrurgijn, alleen bescheijden hebbe ten ordre van den Achtbaeren Raad deser Residentie, op huijden den 18:en desen maant Xbris, in presentie en ten overstaen van Gecommitt:[eerd]ens uijt deselve, geopent en gevisiteert het dode lichaem van seker Hottentots vrou mensch in de wandelinge genaamt Sara, en bij incisie het selve cadaver sodaenigh gevlees gevonden als volgt, te wetens het aengesicht was paers en bol opgezwollen, de mond vol schuijm, en om de hals een paerse cringh, door de insnijdinge ener koorde oft diergelyc geschiet sonder dat aen alle de buytenvleden eenigh leke van quetsingh off violentie conde bespeurt werden gelijk oock alle de doen van binnen hebbe bevonden gaeft en wel dispoort te zijn behalwen dat inde hollight der borst eene vergaderinge van bloet, en de longhe vol schuijm en met bloet onderlopen haer vertoonde uijt welcke tekenen dat voor genoemde Hottetotinne [sic] niet natuuren, maer door een geweldige doot en een suffocatie is overleden. Aldus verclaert in d’Fortresse de Goede Hoop deses 18 Xbris 1671. [signed] Jan Schreyer.

[36] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Journal 1671-1674 & 1676, pp. 41-42 (20 January 1672).

[37] den 22 maart een soontje van Claas Veltman en Beeltjen syn huysvr.[ouw] wiert genaamt Claas  tot getuijge stonden [left uncompleted].

[38]  Leo Fouché, Anna J. Böeseken (eds.), vert. J.P. Smuts), Adam Tas Dagboek (Van Riebeeck-Vereniging, Kaapstad 1970).

[39] 1678: Hendrick Jansz: v.[an] Schack

[40] Lieutenant Johannes (Joan / Johan) Coon / Coonen / Coone / Coons: / Koon (from Sommelsdijk, Zuid-Holland) in Netherlands; prior to transfer to the Cape, serves already 8 years in the Indies; succeeds Pieter Evraerts: van Cruijssaert; arrives at the Cape with wife Alexandrine / Alexandrina (Sandrina) Jacobs: Maxvelt / Maxwell – better known as Juffrouw Coonon board Walcheren [Anna J. Böeseken, Wagenaer’s Journal, p. 153; Journal entry overlooked by Margaret Cairns in her article, ‘Alexandrina Maxwell: Juffrouw Coon, her 2nd marriage’, Familia, pp. 54-56]; she witnesses (25 April 1666) baptism of Elisabeth Louisa (daughter of Joannes de Nyssen and Catharina Herbert, returning to the Fatherland); she witnesses (7 November 1666) – with Leendert de Klerck, Joan van As (from Brussels, Brabant) and Maryke Tielemans: [Maijcke Hendricks: van den Berg (from Diest, Brabant) – baptism of Anna (daughter of Matthijs Coeijmans (from Herentals) and Catharijn de Klerck): den November een dochter van Matthys Koymans en Cathrijn [sic] syn huysvrouw wiert genaemt Anna de getuygen waren Leendert de Klerck, Joan van As, Juff.[rouw] Coon en Mayke Tielemans:; she appears (1676) as Cape congregation member listed as Sandrina Jacobs:, huisvrouw van Joannes Coon [ CA: VC 603: (Lidmaatregister)];  his death at St Helena (3 February 1673) referred to in dispatch (10 May 1673) [CA: C 496, Deel II, p. 576];  she  marries (2ndly) at Cape (29 September 1679) Louis / Lodewyck Francois B(o)ureau (from Brussels), locally known as Lodewyk Francen, a nickname he greatly deplores according to Hendrik van Reede tot Drakenstein in his Journaal van Zijn Verblijf aan de Kaap; born (c. 1649), son of Carel Burouw, advocate in Brussels; after military service in Europe, joins VOC serving at Cape as soldier, clerk and finally victualler in which position of trust falls foul of the law; charged with theft is dismissed from service for life and deported to Netherlands; deportation order, however, is initially not carried out and becomes free-burgher at the Cape; Commissioner Van Rheede appears to refuse to condone laxity of his former protectors Ryklof van Goens the Elder and Ryklof van Goens the Younger. Alexandrina Maxvel appears alone in Muster Roll (1682).  Juffrou Koon witnesses (29 August 1683) baptisms of Jacob (son of her mesties slave Maria Lossee / Lozee [daughter of Maria van Angola]) and Lysbet (daughter of her mesties slave Anna Pieters: [van Batavia]); she appears (1684) as Alexandrina Buro and she appears (1685) with Lodewyk Breureau as Alexandrina Maxwal; not known whether she accompanies her 2nd husband once he is finally deported.  She appears to have no children.

[41] Herman Janssen [Potgieter] van Noorthoorn Baassmit met Maarsseveen Anno 1663 voor de Camer Amsterdam aangelant en anno 1672 ultimo October voor 12 jaren in vrijdom getreden.

[42] Harmen Jansz: [Potgieter]  vs. Willem Willemsz: van Deventer; skuld; saak geskik [CA: CJ 1, p. 583; Uit die Raad van Justisie, 1652-1672 (Staatsdrukker, Pretoria 1986), pp. 338 & 341 (30 July 1670)].

[43] 4 Februar 1671:  … Harmen Jansz: [Potgieter] v[an] … [left blank] voor soldaet a ƒ9 ter m[aen]t. met het schip Marseveen in ‘t jaer 1663 hier aengelant, dewelcke een geruijmen tijt in vrijdom gestaen, ende nu eenige maenden herwaerts, wederom in dienst van d’ E.[dele] Comp[agni]e. getreden, alhier in de smitswinkel als baes is gebruijckt geweest, wert, ten insigte dat dien dienst tot genoegen is waernemende in die qualiteijt bevestight, en daerbij toegevoegt een tractement van ƒ15 per mt., mits daervoor gehouden blijft, d’ E.[dele] Comp[agni]e. nog drie agtereenvolgende jaeren alhier te dienen, gagie en verplichtinge heden aenvanck nemende … [CA; C 7 (Council of Policy resolution, 4 February 1671), pp. 10-20].

[44] Harmen Jansz: [Potgieter]: hout sonder toestemming gekap [CA: CJ 1, p. 592; Uit die Raad van Justisie, 1652-1672 (Staatsdrukker, Pretoria 1986) no.  396 (1 June 1671), Fiskal vs. Harmen Jansz: van Noordhoorn.

[45]  Harmen Jansz: [Potgieter]: Kompanjie se tyd en werktuie vir eie gewin gebruik; ses maande ad opus publicum en ses maande gasie pro fisco. [CA: CJ 2952, p. 406-408, CJ 1, p. 672-672; Uit die Raad van Justisie, 1652-1672 (Staatsdrukker, Pretoria 1986), p. 739 (6.1.1672)].

[46] Meester / Magister Pieter de Neijn / Neyn – arrives (11 February 1672) on Wapen van der Gouw; accused of private trade during voyage but name cleared before assuming duties – does not stay for long leaving the Cape towards (end of 1674); Cape of Good Hope’s 1st legally qualified fiscal.

[47] Abraham Bastiaensz: Pijl – free-burgher at Stellenbosch; attempts suicide (Friday evening 28 September 1703) Abraham Bastiaansz: Pijl (married to Cornelia Cornelisse), is brought soaking wet into house of free-black Jan Luij van Ceylon by latter’s children who rescue him out of Eerste River; made to sit and dry himself that evening before the fire on understanding that he spends the night there; later that night family is rudely awakened by gurgling and screams; they find Pijl lying facewards on the ground with throat slit by his own hand; landdrost Pieter Robberts: and two heemraden Dirk Coetzee and Guilliam du Toit duly called; On arrival they find Pijl still alive;  his throat had been cut through zoodanig dat de longe-pijp geheel afgesneden was;  on asking Pijl what happened, indicates that wound is self-inflicted; but after surgeon Jean Prieur du Plessis dresses the wound, Pijl can be more clearly heard to confirm two or three times that he had indeed slit his own throat; when asked Why?, answers simply, and without any further explanation: Mijn vrouw is er de oorsaak van … dies a few days later;  widow soon shacks up with Dane Richard Adolphus Rigt (from Tønder, Slesvig) whose household later becomes focal point of further troubles; 1713 not only bringsdevastating smallpox epidemic, but more trials and tribulations to this family; wine belonging to Cornelia and her 2nd husband Richard Adolphus is stolen by unruly lover of Cornelia’s sister, Maria – Cape-born free-black Isaac Pietersz:;  there appears to be more than one scuffle at the time as old man Andries Voormeester himself (Cornelia’s step-father) states at trial that accused grabs him and throws him into the fire merely for refusing him wine;  Pietersz:, when arrested, even breaks free from restraining grip of two judicial officers; only after stealing wine do they find him again, this time under Maria’s bed, his houvrou the estranged wife of (Gerrit Willemse (from Leeuwarden, Friesland); final nail in coffin for a bully who terrorises everyone around him; for 4 years already moves into Maria’s home, usurps husband’s place and appropriates his wife with whom he  has a seer groote familiaritijt. On one occasion Pietersz: even drags Willemse by the hair out of his own home; Willemse testifies that Isaac Pietersz: appoints himself als meester en voogt, ‘t geen … hem ondragelijk geweest te zijn … and that twe onegte Bruijne kinderen are born out of the intruder’s relationship with his wife; Willemse consequently becomes a vagabond falling back onto charity of other colonists;  Willemse later seeks succour in the arms of Anna van Wijk;  on his death, she marries tstamvader Isaak Nieuwoudt (from Amsterdam), who adopts her illegitimate son by Gerrit Willemse – this son, although born a Willemse, assumes surname Nieuwoudt which name passes on to his numerous descendants; Isaac Pietersz:’s social dysfunctionality dominates trial; Landdrost Nicolaas van der Heuvel hears that this 29-year old man is freed from slavery as a child following death of free-burgher Leendert Jansz: van Gijselen and thereafter, and brought up in household of deceased owner’s concubine, free-black Maria Willemsz: van Hamburg subsequently wife of free-burgher Matthias Diedriks: (from Lützenburg); after 9 years, leaves her house to vagabondeeren; at that stage already rebellious and she can met reg call him a deugniet; charged with diverse quaataardigheeden en … het steelen van wijn, found guilty and sentenced to be tied to a pole and flogged; thereafter, banished to Robben Island to be put to work but without being in chains. 

[48] Cornelis Pietersen Linnes (from Norway – according to will) – arrives at the Cape (1669) as VOC soldier; bottelier (1672); known for weakness for gambling; 1675: accused of fraud; banished (15 September 1674) 20 years to Robben Island; rehabilitated (1679) following acquittal of Albert van Breugel; negotie boechouder and packhuijsmeester; 15 March 1681:  requests to be acquitted;  winkelier (28 November 1684); fiscal, bookkeeper and landdrost at Stellenbosch; owns slave Diana van Madagascar;  marries (22 June 1682)  Geertruida / Geertruijd Lubberinck / Lubberink / Lubbregtsz: / Lubbrings (from Amsterdam, North Holland) … Cornelius Pieterse Linnes jonghman en Assistent met Geertruij Lusbringhs, jonge dogter; 2 daughters; 10 December 1682: buys Isabel van Madagascar from Joan Coenraed: Visser for Rds 25; 24 January 1684: buys unnamed slave from Madagascar from pirate / privateer William Deeron, captain of John and Mary, for Rds. 75; 29 January 1684: buys unnamed slave from pirate / privateer Steven Bradly, captain of Francis,for Rds.50; 12May 1684: buys Anthonij van Guinea (aged 13/14), from Goosen de Jongh, skipper of the Langewijck, for Rds. 52; 28 November 1684: Joannes Mulder, winckelier (replaced by former negotie boechouder en packhuijsmeester Cornelis Linnes) and promoted (with Jan Hendrick Blum) to guarnisoen boechouder; 1685: accompanies Commander Simon van der Stel to Namaqualand; 25 April 1685 [p. 47]: sells Anthony van Guinea (aged 14), with garden to free-burgher Willem van Wijck (from Ingen, Gelderland), but Willem has to promise to free Anthoni en dat tot toegift van seecker gekochte thuijn belovende hem te vrijen en te guaranderen als na reghten, alles sander fraude“) – No date for attainment of freedom stated in document; 26 October 1685: buys Isabel van Madagascar (aged 12 / 13) from pirate / privateer Oliver Cranisbough; 14 March 1686: buys Jacob van Madagascar (aged 8 / 10) from skipper Theunis de Hoop – price not given; 16 March 1686: buys Abraham van Macassar (aged 20 / 22) from Adriaan Vos skipper of Bantam; 24 March 1687: buys Piramus van Madagascar and Baron van Madagascar from Huibert Hoffen, 1st mate of Jambi  for Rds 60; 3 February 1688: buys Rebecca van Coromandel (aged 28), Nancy van Coromandel (aged 15/16) & Margarita van Coromandel (aged 21 / 22), from Pieter Mos, seaman of the Danish ship Gulden Leeuw, for Rds. 50 each; 22 February 1688: sells Catharina van Madagascar (aged 13) at public auction of possessions of late Barbara Geens to Diederick Potter for f 150 (Cape valuation); 17 April 1688: Paul van Madagascar (aged 20) sold by public auction by Andries de Man and Cornelis Linnes ex the estate of Hans Erentraut to Willem ten Damme for f 150 [originally purchased 5 May 1686 from Will Deeron]; 17 April 1688: Anthonij van Mozambique (aged 18) sold by public auction by Andries de Man & Cornelis Linnes ex the estate of Hans Erentraut to Nicolaas Loupscher [Laubscher] for f 226 [originally purchased 18 March 1686 from Capt. J. Homen]; 11 May 1688: buys Benjamin van Bengale (aged 10 / 11) from Marten Clasen Buijck for Rds 30; 12 April 1689: buys Cupido van Macassar (aged 20) from Jan Speelman skipper of De Schelde for Rds 60; 22 April 1690: buys Floor van Bengale (aged 20) from Abraham Post vice-admiral of return fleet for Rds 70; 16 July 1691: sells Bosheuvel to Guilliam Heems; 28 July 1691: 2nd landdrost of Stellenbosch (until 10 December 1696) succeeding Johannes Mulder; 1697: appears in opgaaf  with wife Geertruijd Lubbregtsz: and 2 daughters; 23 May 1695: Anthonica van Ceylon (aged 18) sold by Frederick Russouw de Wit to Geertruij Lubberings wid. Cornelis Pieters: Linnes for Rds 95; 19 January 1696: Abraham van Madagascar (aged 39 / 40) manumitted by Geertruij Lubberinck, widow Cornelis Pietersz: Linnes; 19 January 1696: Cupido van Malabar (aged 13) sold by Geertrij Lubberinck to Jacob Vogel for Rds 90; 31 May 1697: Pieter van Malabar (aged 30) and Augustijn van Ternaten (aged 25) sold by Geertruyd Lubberinck, widow Cornelis Pietersz: Linnes to Pieter van der Bijl for Rds 130; 13 November 1697: Susanna van Bengale (aged 20) sold by Hendrik Munckerus to Susanna [sic] Lubberinck, widow C.P. Linnes for Rds 75 [see 6 September 1697 – 1st sold by Simon van der Stel on behalf of Willem ten Rhijne] [Resolusies van die Politieke Raad, vol. III, p. 15, n. 55]; wife remarries Michael Ditmer (from Stettin), landdrost at Stellenbosch.

[49] Tobias Marquaert (from Hamburg) – son of Jochum Marquaert (from Gorcum / Gorinchem) – accompanies (or later joins) father at the Cape; burgher; marries Cape 19 July 1676  Catharina (Catharijntje) Jansz: van den Bergh aka Catharina Stuart (from Amsterdam), widow of Cape free-burgher Jan Cornelisz: van Rosendaal  (geboortigh van Woerden [Zuid-Holland nw Utrecht]); 28 September 1686: Catrina van Malabar (aged 30 / 32) and daughter Ursula (4 months) sold by Tobias Marquart to Abraham Hartog for Rds 35 (see 6 March 1687 where sold to Roelof Pasman with daughter now named Maria (aged 9 months) for Rds 53); 6 children: (1) Regina Marquardt baptised 2 May 1677; dies in infancy (2 ) Regina Marquardt baptised 8 January 1679 (3) Tobias Marquardt baptised 25 May 1681; dies in infancy (4) Catharina Marquardt baptised 25 December 1682; marries (1stly) 28 July 1705 Christiaan Spoor, marries (2ndly) 1 December 1709 Jan Calmer (from Amsterdam); marries (3rdly) 6 October 1715 Albert Andreas Jerff (from Copenhagen); (5) Abigael Marquardt baptised 19 November 1684; marries 9 September 1708 Willem Colbert (from Amsterdam); (6) Tobias Marquardt baptised 8 September 1686.

[50] Deeds Office (DO), Transporten en Schepenkennissen, vol. XI is unpaginated: Jacob van Madagascar, sold (29 January 1681) by Harmen Jansz: [Potgieter] to Tobias Marquaert for Rds. 25.

[51] Henning / Henningh Huijsingh / Huisen / Huising / Hüsing – signs Henning Hüsing (from Hamburg) – son of Henning Hüsing and Anna Bagers baptised (3 April 1649); arrives (1672), Cape burgher 1678, 1st mentioned (1679) as burgher in company with Claas Gerrits: (from Amsterdam) in muster roll for Vrye Lieden (1679); marries 2 January 1684 Maria Lindenhovius (from Overeyst), daughter of Rev. Adam Lindenhovius and Anna Kemenerus, wid. (Jan Hampen (whom she marries 31 January 1682); supplies Company with meat [Council of Policy resolution (7 July 1692) & H.C.V.  Leibbrandt, Letters Desp. 1696-1708, pp. 141, 143, 165-166, 217, 256, 282- 283];  requests (1691) permission for sister-in-law Margaretha Geertruyd Lindenhovius, wid. of Jan Tas and 2 daughters (sisters to Adam Tas) to join him at the Cape:

  • Sara Wilhelmina, member Cape Church (9 April 1694), marries 3 May 1707 Claus Hinrich Diepnow / Diepenauw (from Barsfleth, Danish Holsten), dies 1712
  • Johanna Maria, member Cape Church 9 April 1694; mavries 26 February1696 Willem Mensingh / Mensinck (from Deventer, Overijssel) [J.L.M. Franken in Die Huisgenoot (29 September & 1 October 1926); J. Hoge, Africana Aantekeninge en Nuus, vol. IV, 1947, p. 70];

regarded as wealthiest burgher & landowner of the Colony; heemraad of Stellenbosch (for 1st time 1682), burgher councillor Cape Town; one of leaders of revolt against VOC governor W.A. van der Stel; dies (1713) [Testaments in CJ 1164: 28-9; CJ 1165: 131]; leaves 1,000 rksds. each to Lutheran Church at Amsterdam, diaconie of that church, Lutheran Orphanage, Hamburg and Drakenstein church, as well as 1,000 guilders to diaconie of Cape Town [Cf. Spoelstra, II pp. 427-29 & 434-435. [H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Letters Desp. 1696-1708, pp. 283 ff., 363 ff.; The Defence of W.A. v. d . Stel; Henri Déhérain, Etude sur 1’Afrique (Paris 1904); Eric Stockenstrom, Vernam e Persone uit die Geskiedenis van Suidafrika, pp. 7-21; Moritz, pp. 213 ff.];

[52] CA: MOOC 8/2, no. 10 Harman Jansz: [Potgieter] van Noorthoorn 15 August 1707:  Inventaris en taxatie den roerende en onroerende goederen nagelaten en met de dood ontruijmd bij Harman Jansz: van Noorthoorn, ten voordele van zijne nagelatene wed:e Belijtie Fredriks: ter ener, en

6 kinderen ter andere zijde alsvier mondigeClaas Veg’tman voors:n out 34
Jan Harmansz: out 32 1/2
Catharina Harmansd:r 27
Maria Harmansd:r getroud met Jacob Stein oud 21
mitsg:s 2 onmondige genaamdHans Jurgen Harmansz: oud 16 en
Beatrix Harmansd:r oud 14 jaren

zo als ‘t zelve bij voorsz: wed:e is opgegeven, en bij de E:E: Weesmeesteren en haar is getaxeert en de mondige kinderen voorgesteld zijnde hebbe geapprobeert, als volgd

ƒ
200 twee honderd beesten met den aanteel a ijder ƒ15 komd3000:–:–
200 twee honderd schapen met den aanteel a ƒ2 ‘t p:s400:–:–
9 negen paarden zo merrijs als veulen a ƒ40 ‘t p:s360:–:–
1 een slaavin met haar kind ‘t samen300:–:–
1 een wagen, twee ploegen en een eg ‘t samen150:–:–
huijsraad en inboedel300:–:–
den opstal van een plaats aanstellend300:–:–
idem in de Wagemakersvalleij700:–:–
gaat af van de lasten des boedels als aan de E[dele] Comp:[agni]e bij de vrijd:k debet598:4:1
aan de Diaconie capit:l ƒ300
aan de Diaconie drie jaar veragterde intrest ƒ54354:–:–
aan eene Lourens Verbrugge704:–:–
aan Lammert Coertsz: gewesene knegt wegens verdiende loon240:–:–
aan Pieter van der Bijl150:–:–
‘t samen2046:4:1
Blijvd ‘t nette des boedels sommaƒ3463:15:15

Aldus geinventariseert en geprijseert aan Cabo de Goede Hoop den 15:e Aug: a:o 1707

De boedelhouster voorsz: afgevraagd zijnde of hier inner na opregtheid gedragen heeft, heeft geandwoord van Ja, niet verswege ofte agtergehouden te hebben presenterende ten allen tijde op ‘t begeren van E: Weesmeesteren met ede te willen bekragtigen, de mondige kinderen geroepen en bij Weesm: afgevraagd zijnde, hebbe ‘t opgegevene en ‘t taxeeren mede geapprobeert dat: ut supra

Gecommitteerde Weesmeesteren: Hendrick Bouman, Willem van Putten

Dit is ‘t + en handtekening van Belijtie Fredriks:

Me present: O: v: Pollinchoven, p:l Secret:s

[53] Peter Kolb / Kolbe (1675-1725) – born (10 October 1675) Dörflas (Germany). Studies at Egidius Gymnasium, Nuremberg obtaining scholarship from rector J. Textor and becoming assistant to astronomer G. C. Eimmart. Attends Halle University and studies Philosophy, Theology, Mathematics and Physics. Obtains master’s degree (1703) with thesis entitled De natura cometarum explaining comets as natural phenomena. Enters service of Freiherr B.F. von Krosigk, privy councillor at Prussian court. Tutors two sons, but also required to travel with Von Krosigk and sends by him to Cape of Good Hope (1705) with letter of introduction from Nicolaas Witsen, mayor of Amsterdam to make meteorological and astronomical observations. Governor Willem Adriaan van der Stel receives him when he arrives on Unie (June 1705) accommodating him in the Company’s garden.  The VOC soldier and later Cape free-burgher Nikolaus von Wielligh (from Hamburg) is his assistant … “schoon by van de mathesis niets wist en daarenboven in cyferen en andere leeroeffeningen onervaren was, bolzalven hetgeen ik hem reeds had geleert” [Kolbe, 1, p. 29].  Relationship with Van der Stel however deteriorates due to inability to complete astronomical work successfully and for siding with colonists against governor. Also spends time studying climate, geology, flora and fauna of Cape taking especial interest in Khoekhoe. Von Krosigk dies (1707) so source of income ceases. Reconciles with new governor, Louis van Assenburg, and enters (1711) service of VOC as secretary at Stellenbosch (until 1713) when failing eyesight prevents him from working. Sails to Amsterdam where eyes are treated by Dr. C. Göckel, court physician at Rastatt. Eyesight is restored and writes 2 books De ecnephia vento Capitis Bona(e) Spei, on Cape Southeaster (published 1715), and De aquia Capitis Bonae Spei, on waters at Cape (published 1716). Also publishes theological work (1714) Theosophia, dat is proefstuk der natuurlijke erkentenis Gods. Becomes rector of Latin school at Neustadt an der Aisch (1718). Best remembered for book Caput Bonae Spei Hodiernum, das ist vollständige Beschreibung des Afrikanischen Vorgebürges der Guten Hoffnung … published in Nuremburg (1719). Divided into 3 parts: 1st describes 3 natural kingdoms at Cape, 2nd customs of Cape Khoekhoe, or Hottentots as they are called at that time, and 3rd is on government and way of life of Whites at Cape. Translated into Dutch (1727), French (1742) and appearing in English (1731) as Present State of the Cape of Good Hope: Or, A Particular Account of the Several Nations of the Hottentots: Their Religion, Government, Laws, Customs, Ceremonies, and Opinions; Their Art of War, Professions, Language, Genius, etc. Together with a Short Account of the Dutch Settlement at the Cape. Translation is shorter than original & is not accurate. Original German edition contains 846 folio pages & many copper plate illustrations. Useful work describing Khoikhoi language, religion, lifestyle & customs before being influenced to any significant extent by Europeans. However writings need caution & verification, eg theories such as belief that Khoikhoi descend from the Jews & customs resemble cave-dwellers of the Nile Valley. Occasionally exaggerates & in places uses accounts of Khoikhoi from other authors such as Olfert Dapper & Guy Tachard. Criticised by François le Vaillant as a stay-at-home and dismissing book as full of fantasies, Abbé N.L. de la Caille (astronomer who makes astronomical and meteorological observations that Kolb could not) questions his sources and Anders Sparrman criticizes his proclivity for the unusual. On the positive side, accounts of Khoekhoe are largely sympathetic but tends to moralize describing them as lazy, drunken and vengeful with many customs originally thought by him to be false now proven correct. Book also provides useful detailing account of clash between colonists and Governor W.A. van der Stel. Though strongly biased in favour of colonists, account contains details not found anywhere else.  Never marries. Sister keeps house for him when he returns to what is now Germany. Dies in Neustadt an der Aisch of lung complaint (New Year’s Eve 1725).

[54] 27 October 1711

                Testament between Laurens Verbrugge & Beletje Frederiksz:.

                                In the Name of the Lord, amen. Knowing that they are the only ones who may be concerned with the contents of this present and public instrument, made in the year after the birth of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, 1711, on the 27th of October, around midday, 12 o’clock, before me Peter Kolb (provisional secretary to the Magistrate and Council etc.) and the witnesses named below, the following appeared in person—

the honorable Laurens Verbruggen and the virtuous Belie Frederiks: a married couple living in Stellenbosch, the testator healthy of body, standing & walking, but the testatrix sick and lying in bed, but completely in command of her mind, understanding, and memory and well able to use them, as it appeared to us.

The couple declared that, considering the brittleness of human life, the certainty of death but the uncertainty of the time & hour when it will come, they intended not to take leave of this world before they had disposed of their temporal goods, lent to them by God Almighty, doing this of their own free and unforced will, without the direction or deception of anyone else, committing 1st of all their immortal souls to the protecting hand of God, & their dead bodies to the earth, asking an honorable burial, revoking, breaking and declaring null and void all other testaments, codicils, marriage conditions, or any other public agreements, made by them together or by each separately, whatever they might be, so that they may not be observed in any point.

First, the testators bequeath to the poor of Stellenbosch the sum of 25 guilders, Cape value, which will be given out by the one who lives the longest, after the death of the other, out of their remaining goods.

Furthermore, the testators, explain that, before any other claims, the one who dies 1st leaves to the one who lives longest the inheritance of the house, with all land belonging to it, and all its contents, standing in Stellenbosch, together with a new wagon with 8 draft oxen, which the one who lives longest should enjoy as their own unencumbered property, without any difficulty being raised by the children of the testatrix by her 1st husband.

This on the express condition that the one who lives longest will not be able to alienate or reduce the property, with the understanding that after both their deaths, the property will be given to the children of the testatrix by her 1st husband.           

Moreover, this will should stand only as long as the one who lives longest remains unmarried, because both of the testators wish to keep in mind, that the children of the testatrix may not be overlooked.

If the testator comes to die 1st, it is his intention and complete declaration, that, in case any of his brothers’ or sisters’ children comes to live at the Cape of Good Hope, that person should receive a sum of no more than 50 Rixdollars, excepting which, all the rest of the goods should go to the children of the testatrix by her 1st marriage.

Next, the testatrix, declares that it is her will and design, that the slave childcalled Christintje, should remain the property of her son’s child, baptized Beeltje after the testatrix, as long as they both shall live, desiring that the aforesaid slave childwill never be sold or otherwise alienated, but expressly stipulating that the aforementioned slave child, after the death of her son’s child Beeltje, will be free.

Finally the testators reverently ask that the honorable lords of the Orphans’ Chamber at the Cape of Good Hope will become the executors and administrators over their remaining goods and inheritance, and that the honorable lords will have the goodness to administer the inheritance for the children of the testatrix by her 1st marriage. [This was the usual arrangement.]

Having heard the above clearly and precisely read to them, the testators declare this to be their final will and testament, desiring that the same will stand and take effect in every part …

All of this done in the house of the testators, in the presence of the former town counselors, Jan Botma and Adam Tas—as witnesses of good reputation, expressly asked to be here, who, together with me, the provisional secretary, and the testators, sign below on the day, of our Lord and year mentioned above.

                                As witnesses [signatures of] Jan Botma Ad.[am] Tass

                                This is the personal mark t mark & signature of Laurens Verbrugge

                                This the mark \\\ & the personal signature of Beeltje Frederiks:

                                With my knowledge P. Kolbe Provisional secretary

[CA: (Notarial Deeds & Wills 1708-1714), no. 12; CA: 1/STB 18/3 – translated by Anne Good; CA: 1/STB 18/1, no. 93 (Joint Will: Lourens Verbrugge & Belje Frederiks:); CA: MOOC 7/1/1, no. 93 (Joint Will: Lourens Verbrugge & Belje Frederiks:); CA: MOOC 13/1/1 (Boedel Reekeningen), no. 52 (Beelitje Frederiksz:, 17 February 1712).

[55] Adam Tas (from Amsterdam) – born 1668, son of Jan Tas commis des recherches at Ommerfort, Overyssel) & Margaretha Geertruyd Lindenhovius (daughter of Ds. Adam Lindenhovius at Avereest, & Anna Kemenerus); joins mothe r and sisters at the Cape:

  • Sara Wilhelmina Tas (wife to Claus Hinrich Diepnow (from Barsfleth, Danish Holsten) 
  • Johanna Maria Tas (wife to Cape brewer Willem Mensingh / Mensinck (from Deventer, Overijssel); 

member of Cape Church (20 December 1697); member Stellenbosch Church (1703); dies 1722; marries (1stly) 7 June 1703 Elisabeth van Brakel, wid. of Hans Jurgen Grimpe, daughter of Adriaen (Baes Arie) Willemsz: van Braackel / Brakel (from ‘s Hertogenbosch);  marries (2ndly) 25 November 1717 Johanna Koevaal (from Leerdam) dies  1718;

(1) Jan Tas baptized  11 May 1704 – dies young
(2) Sara Margaretha Tas baptised 6 December 1705
(3) Adam Tas baptized 25 October 1706 – dies young
(4) Jan Tas born 1710 – repatriates
(5) Adriaan Tas born  1711 repatriates
(6) Adam Tas baptised  25 October 1716 – repatriates, but returns (1747) with wife and 2 children to the Cape;  burger Stellenbosch (1749) repatriates again (1761); marries (Netherlands) Johanna van Beek

[56] Johannes ( Jan) Stevensz: Bothma / Botma de Jonge (1665-July 1724) – Cape-born free-burgher and Stellenbosch heemraad – born Cape of Good Hope; son of  Steven Jansz: Bothma / Botma (from Wageningen, Gelderland) and Hendrickje Hendricks: (from IJ, Gelderland); baptised Cape 23 July 1670 (witnesses:  Jacob Rosendael and Maijken Tielmans:); marries Christina (Steyntje) Christoffelse de Bruyn (from Amsterdam) [Note: not the woman known as Stintje de Boerin– this is Christina Diemer, born Does – see CA: MOOC 10/1 (Vendu Rollen), no. 28]; 31 August 1688: Jan Stevensz: Botma convicted for theft; 17 March 1692: Joost Lons sells Arent van Macassar (aged 28) to Jan Stevensz: Botma for Rds 500, Cape money [Anna J. Böeseken, Slaves and Free Blacks, p. 159]; 13 April 1702: Jan Stevensz: Botma – theft;

CA: MOOC 8/4 (Inventories: 1720-1727) no. 121 (29 April 1724 & 2 May 1724)

S[ieu]r. Jan Botma heemraad en land-bouwer aan Stellenbosch gebooren aan Cabo de Boa Esperance oud veertigh jaren, mitsg:[ade]rs de eerbare juffr.[ouw] Christina de Bruijn geboren te Amsterdam oud drie veertigh jaaren, …

Testament 13 Oktober 1708 (CA: MOOC 7/3 7/1/2, no. 101)

Juff:r[ouw] Christina de Bruijn wed:[duw]e wijlen den oud heemraad aan Stellenbosch Jan Botma … Soo verklaarde de testatrice te legateeren maken ende te bespreeken aan de Diaconie Armen deeser plaatse een somma van vijffentwintig guldens Caabs geld, haar zusters zoon Jan van der Weijde woonagtig tot Amsterdam een somma van drie hondert guldens Hollands geld, vervolgens aan haar dogter Aletta Botma

Testament 3 April 1722 (CA: MOOC 7/3 7/1/3. 123)

juff:r[ouw] Stijntie Christoffelse de Bruijn wed:[uw]e wijlen den oude heemraad aan Stellenbosch Jan Bothma De testatrice dan treeden ter dispositie soo verklaarde zij te legateren maken ende te bespreeken aan de Caabse diaconie armen een somma van hondert guldens Caabs geld. Vervolgens aan haar susters soon Jan van der Weijde woonagtig tot Amsterdam een somma van een hondert Rx:s agt en veertig stuijvers ieder …

Testament 14 Juli 1723 (CA: MOOC 7/3 7/1/3, no.  122)

Inventaris van sodanige goederen als ‘er met ‘er dood ontruijmt en naargelaten zijn bij wijle Stijntie Christoffelse de Bruijn weed[duw]:e den oud Stellenbosche heemraad Jan Botma. Hebbende bij testamentaire dispositie Heeren Weesmeesteren tot executeurs en tot erfgenamen …

… Inventaris 29 April 1724 (CA: MOOC 8/4, no. 121) ….

Inventaris van sodanige goederen als ‘er met ‘er dood ontruijmt en naargelaten sijn bij wijle Steijntje Christoffelse de Bruijn weed:e den oud Stellenbosche heemraad Jan Botma, hebbende bij testamentaire dispositie Heeren Weesmeesteren tot executeurs en tot erfgenamen … Inventaris 8 Mei 1724 (CA: MOOC 8/4, no. 121½)

(1) Steven Botma baptised Stellenbosch 20 February 1696 [De Villiers/Pama incorrectly ascribe him a wife and daughter – see Familia XX (1983), no. 4, pp. 90-91] Does he die in smallpox epidemic (1713)?

(2) Aletta Botma baptised Stellenbosch 3 August 1698 (father:  Jan Botma; mother:  Styntje de Bruijn; witness:  Anna Louw); marries (1stly) W. de Ruiter; marries (2ndly) H. Frappe

(3) Hendrina Botma born 1699 [where is her baptism?]

(4) Jan Botma baptised Stellenbosch 13 May 1703; 1725: farm at Drakenstein Halfmanshof sold out of Estate of Arnoldus Willemsz: Basson  to step-son-in-law Johan Botma marries 24 September 1721 Anna Maria Kruysman (daughter of Arnoldus Kreutzmann (from Meurs, Duchy of Cleves) and Maria Vosloo – later Mrs Arnoldus Basson & Mrs J.A. Dissel)

[57] CA: MOOC 8/2, no. 58: Belitie Fredricks: 14 Januarij 1712 Staat en inventaris van alle soodanige soo roerende als onroerende goederen, als d’ overleedene Beeletje Fredericksz: met ‘er dood heeft ontruijmt en naergelaten ten voordeele van haer naergelate man Lourens Verbrugge ter eenre, en

haer ses kinderen, alsClaes Vegtmangeprocreeert bij haer eerste man Claes Vegtmanter ander zijde
Jan Harmentsz: Potgieteralle verwekt bij haer tweede man Harmen Potgieter
Jacob Potié als in huijwelijk hebbende Catrijn Harmens:
Jacobus Stijn als in huijwelijk hebbende Maria Harmens:
Han Jurgen Harmensz: [Potgieter] en
Beatrix Harmensz: Potgieter
Een hofsteede geleegen aen Stellenbosch groot
In de voorkamer aen de regterhand op de voorsz: plaets
3 theerakjes daer op
3 porsselijne schootels
7 porsselijne tafelborden
17 porsselijne theepieringties
10 porsselijne leeuwtjes
eenige klijne porsselijne flesjes
1 blik flesje
1 blik trommeltje
1 boekspiegeltie
1 capstok
1 clijn cisje met paerlemoer ingeleijt daerin
1 blijk doosje
4 silvere leepels
1 leedige houtekist
1 tinne waterpot
1 clijn cisje
1 coffij moolen
1 clijn houte cisje met een hangslotje
1 fleskelder met flessen
1 fleskelder sonder flessen
1 hout casje daerin
16 servetten
4 tafellakens
7 slaeplakens
12 cussen sloopen
1 linne cooij behangsel
2 coopere blakers
1 coopere confoor
7 stoelen
1 eijsere tangh
1 eijsere vuijrschop
2 spoelkommen
2 gesleepe bierglasen
1 haertijser
1 cleerborstel
In ‘t voorhuijs
1 rak daerop
7 tinne schootels
1 tinne com
19 tinne borden
1 rakje daerop
18 porsselijne pieringties
13 porsselijne copjes
1 clijn rakje daerop
5 pieringties
1 cooper gewigtje
1 houte doosje
1 blikke trommel
1 glase lantaern
4 porsselijne beekerties
4 goude ringen
2 stoelen
In de camer aen de linkerhand
1 veerebed
1 coore sift
2 ladders
1 scheepel
1 coopere schael met sijn gewigt
1 tafeltie
1 celder met eenige flessen
1 baellie
1 booterbak
1 meelsift
1 houte tafel
1 houte bank
1 trekpot met een silver deksel
1 blik doosje
In de combuijs
1 pottebank daerop
6 tinne schootels
2 tinne commen
5 tinne borden
1 coopere vijssel met sijn stamper
2 coopere candelaers
1 tinne candelaers
1 blicke coffijkan
1 coopere ceeteltie
2 coopere snuijters
2 blicke worsthoorntjes
1 tinne commetje
1 leepel rakje
12 tinne leepels
1 capmes
1 cooper pintje
1 ijsere vergiettest
1 aerde vergiettest
1 cooper ceeteltje
1 tinne mutsje
1 coopere rasp
1 ijsere braedpan
1 hakkebord
1 rak daerop
9 tinne tafelborden
3 aarde schootels
1 ijsere rooster
2 ijsere treeften
1 ijsere coekepan
1 coopere schuijmspaen
1 coopere potleepel
1 ijsere potleepel
2 ijsere vleesvorken
1 ijsere lamp
1 caersdoosje
2 ijsere kettings
1 ijsere tangh
1 ijsere schop
2 coopere strijkijsers
6 ijsere potten
1 roode coopere teekeetel
1 tafel
5 water emmers
1 brood schop
1 ooven haek
1 oud vaetje
1 leeg bootervat
In ‘t parhuijs
1 persbak
1 meelkist
2 leedige leggers
1 leedige halve [leggers]
1 leedige halve [leggers] met een boom
4 baelies
1 partij ijsere hoepels
1 dubbelt venster casijn
1 deur
1 timmermans cist met eenig gereetschap
1 coopere disteleer ceetel met sijn toebehooren
2 slavinnen
een hofsteede geleegen aen de Clijne Berg Rievier groot 60 morgen
240 runderbeesten
200 schapen NB: bevonden 179
11 paerden
2 oude wagens
2 agterploegen
1 voorploegen
1 eg met ijsere tanden
3 ijsere potten
5 emmers NB: 1: aen Stelenbosch
2 leedige bootervaten
2 carns
1 schoorsteenkettingh
2 picken
2 graven
1 geweer
1 slave jonge Jan genaemt
Crediten
ƒ
Jan Harmensz: over 1 aam wijn18
van Jan Harmensz: Potgieter bij restant van seekere obl:e1131
Christiaen Maesdorp 100
Sommaƒ1249
Lasten des boedels
ƒ
aen d’ E:[dele] Comp:[agni]e700:–
de Caebse Diaconije300:–
‘t bewijs aen de vijf kinderen1443:5
Pieter van der Bijl 600:–
Pieter van der Bijl een aam wijn36:–
Coenraad Grof [Visser] 50 voet planken18:15
Augustijn Boudes55:–
Lourens Jansz: over knegtsloon136:–
Jacobus Stijn [Steyn]68:–

Aldus geinventariseert aan Stellenbosch deesen 14 Januarij 1712

Hendrik Bouman, N: van den Heuvel

Mij present: A: v: Kervel, Secret:s

Wij ondergesze:e Lourens Verbrugge als in huijwelijk gehad hebbende d’ overleedene landbouweresse Beeletje Frederiksz:, Jan Harmentsze Potgieter en Jacobus Stijn [Steyn] meerderjarige soon en schoonsoon van de voorne: Beeletje Frederiksz:, gesien hebbende uijt het testament van onse voorsz:e vrouw en moeder zal:e dat alle de kinderen van het tweede bed buijten wettige reedenen waren voorbijgegaen en teenemael onterft, en dat dierhalven tselve volgens de wetten niet konde bestaen of stand grijpen, soo versoeken wij dierhalven seer gedienstigh d’ E:E: Weesmeesteren aen Cabo de Goede Hoop dat zij de goetheijt gelieven te hebben als executeurs in onsen gemeenen boedel, alle de nagelatene goederen tot den voorsz:e boedel specteerende bij publicque vendutie te verkoopen, om sulx gedaen sijnde, de gelden daer van koomende onder alle de erfgen:en te verdeelen; Stellenbos deesen 14 Januarij 1712

Dit is t + merk van Lourens Verbrugge

Dit is ‘t + merk van Jan Harmentsz: Potgieter, Jacobus Steijn

Ik ondergschreeven Claees Vegtman verklare bij desen, als dat ik in al ‘t geene de E:[dele] Heeren Weesmeesteren alsmede in ‘t gene mijn broeders en susters omtrent de nalatenschap van mijn moeder Belitie Fredricks: zal:[ige]r zullen gelieven te ordonneren, mij volkomen zal vernoegt houden.

Stellenbos den 18 Januarie 1712.

Ons present als getuijgen: A: Tas, Johannes Wessel

Dit merk + is door Claas Veghtman eigenhandig geset

[58] CA: MOOC 10/1, no. 72 Beeletje Frederiksz: 10 Februarij 1712 Vendu Rol van alle soodanige goederen als Beeletje Frederiksz: met ’er dood heeft ontruijmt en naergelaten ten voordeele van haer naergelaten man Lourens Verbrugge ter eenre, en haer ses kinders als

Claes Vegtman geprocreeert bij haer eerste man Claes Vegtmanter andere zijde
Jan Harmensz: Potgieter
Jacob Potjé als in huijwelijk hebbende Catrijn Harmens: [Potgieter]
Jacobus Stijn als in huijwelijk hebbende Maria Harmens: [Potgieter]
Hans Jurgen Harmens: en
Beatrix Harmens: Potgieter, als verwekt bij haar tweede man Harmen Potgieter
Rd:s
4 tinne tafelbordenJan Wilders0:7 1/2
1 tinne comDavid Senecal1:1 1/2
6 tinne lepels
1 ijsere coekepanJan Smith0:4
3 oude vatenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]1:2
1 ijsere lantaernJacobus Stijn [Steyn]2:2
1 ijsere teekeetel
3 ijsere avegaersJacobus van Eeden2:4
1 ijsere zaegh
1 ijsere tangh
eenig oud ijserwerkBarent Pietersz: Blom1:3
2 gravenJan Smith1:4
1 mookerPhilip du Pree2:–
1 coevoet
2 bijlenHans Christoffel Lutje1:–
2 coornvorkenSteeven Bruel1: 1/2
1 graef
1 pik
2 houte bankenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]0:3 1/2
2 voetstoelenClaes Vegtman [Jr.]1:1 1/2
1 oud roer
een partij oude assenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]4:4
1 eg met ijsere tandenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]7:5
1 oude wagenJan Smit6:7
1 oude wagenClaes Vegtman  [Jr.]12:–
1 ploeghHans Hendrik Hatting4:1
1 agterploeghJacobus Stijn [Steyn]10:–
1 wagenbuijk
1 carnLouijs Fleuri7:3
1 bootervat
1 carnMatthijs Michielsze6:2
1 bootervat
1 oud halfaem
2 water emmersPieter Erasmus1:5
2 water emmersBarent Pietersz: Blom1:7
179 schapenAbraham du Clerq189:–
2 ossenHendrik Neef13:–
2 ossenHendrik Neef16:4
2 ossenJan Rigman van Weij28:–
2 ossenMatthijs Cruger [Krugel]18:1
2 ossenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]21:4
2 ossenJan Harmentsz: Potgieter27:4
2 ossenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]22:–
2 ossenLourens Verbrugge25:–
2 ossenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]25:–
2 ossenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]24:–
2 ossenWillem Bota [Botha]21:4
2 ossenGuilliaume Loree18:1
2 ossenHercules Verdeaux24:–
2 ossenLourens Pretorius13:2
2 ossenHercules Verdeaux22:4
2 ossenPieter Cronjé15:4
2 ossenLucas Meijer21:–
2 ossenHans H: Hattingh10:1
2 ossenHendrick Neef12:–
2 ossenJan Harmensz: Potgieter22:–
2 ossenSteeven Cronjé23:3
2 ossenLourens Pretorius21:6
2 ossenHercules Verdeaux[ ….. ]
2 ossenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]28:–
1 vaers
2 ossenLouijs la Riche13:3
2 coeijenLouijs la Riche10:–
2 calveren
2 coeijenLouijs la Riche8:1
2 calveren
4 calverenLouijs la Riche15:4
4 calverenLourens Pretorius17:–
4 calverenJacob Terron14:4
4 calverenLouijs le Riche9:4
4 calverenJan Wilders12:–
2 coeijenCornelis Olivier20:1
3 calveren
2 coeijenRoelof van Hoetingh8:2
2 calveren
4 calverenDavid Senecal8:3
4 calverenPhilip du Pree12:2
4 calverenCornelis Olivier19:1
2 coeijenLourens Verbrugge20:1
2 coeijenHendrik Neef12:6
2 calveren
4 calverenPhilip du Pree13:–
2 coeijenLourens Pretorius9:3
2 coeijenLourens Verbrugge9:1
2 coeijenJan Harmens: Potgieter23:4
2 coeijenJan Wilders14:6
2 coeijenSteeven Cronjé19:4
2 coeijenSteeven Fouchet14:2
2 coeijenJan Harmens: Potgieter20:6
2 coeijenJan Willem [? ten Damme] knegt v: juff:r[ouw] Van der Stel16:–
2 coeijenCornelis Campher14:–
2 coeijenCoenraed Jansz: Visser14:–
2 coeijenJacob Terron11:1
4 coeijenJan Harmensz: Potgieter25:2
2 coeijenPieter Russeaux [Rousseaux]15:–
4 coeijenJan Wilders22:–
2 coeijenJacob Potjé[ ….. ]
2 coeijenMatthijs Michielsz:17:6
2 coeijenJan Harmensz: Potgieter15:–
2 coeijenPieter Russeaux [Rousseaux]17:6
2 coeijenPhilip du Pree18:1
2 coeijenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]10:–
4 coeijenLouijs le Riche10:2
4 coeijenMatthijs Michielsze10:1
4 coeijenPieter Jubert [Joubert]17:–
4 coeijenPieter Jubert [Joubert]17:4
4 coeijenNicolaes Gockelius17:1
4 coeijenPieter Jubert [Joubert]19:4
5 coeijenJan Wilders24:4
4 coeijenLourens Verbrugge20:3
6 coeijenHans H: Hatting32:–
4 coeijenMatthijs Michielsz:30:3
4 coeijenPieter Jansz v: Marseveen16:6
5 coeijenPhilip du Pree27:–
4 coeijenLouijs le Riche17:1
4 coeijenPieter Jubert [Joubert]16:4
4 coeijenAbraham de Haes14:2
4 coeijenLourens Verbrugge20:–
4 coeijenJan Harmensz: Potgieter12:–
6 coeijenJacob Potjé21:–
1 hengstJan Gerritse v:[a]n] Deeventer8:–
1 merrieLourens Verbrugge10:–
1 merrieGerrit Jansz v: Deeventer3:7
1 hengstCeestok15:–
1 ruijnPieter Russeaux [Rousseaux]12:1
1 merrieDirk Coetsé10:–
1 vulle
1 paerdJan Willems: [? ten Damme] knegt v: juff:r[ouw] Van der Stel8:1
1 paerdHendrik Neef6:–
1 paerdNicolaas Gockelius4:–
1 vulle
1 paerdNicolaas Gockelius3:–
1 paerdFrancois du Pree4:–
1 vulleJan Elbe1:6
1 vullePieter Roux2:1
1 vulleJan Voslo d’ jonge1:4
1 slaaf jonge Jan genaemtJan Harmens: Potgieter233:2 1/2
1 ijsere potHendrik Neef3:2
1 ijsere potMatthijs Michielsz:5:3
1 ijsere potMatthijs Michielsz:5:5
1 ijsere potJan Harmens: Potgieter5:3
1 ijsere potMatthijs Michielsz:4:6
1 ijsere kettinghMatthijs Michielsz:1:–
2 houte backenMatthijs Michielsz:0:5
1 paerdLourens Verbrugge14:–
1 goude ringhLourens Verbrugge5:–
1 goude ringhBeatrix Harmans:4:–
1 goude ringhJacobus Stijn [Steyn]6:–
1 goude ringhJacob Potjé3:–
2 baeljesSebastiaen Seval1:–
1 vaetje
1 leeg botervatLourens Verbrugge2:3
2 laddersmons:r Tas4:4
1 timmermans kist met oud gereetschapLourens Sweeris3:5
1 venster casijn met venstersJan Durand2:3
1 deur casijn met een deurJacobus Stijn2:2
2 deurende wed:e Du Toij [du Toit]1:2
2 oude vatenAbram Everts1:1
1 ledige leggerDirk Coetsé2:5
1 ledige leggerDirk Coetsé7:4
eenig rommelerijClaes Vegtman0:2
1 persbakClaes Vegtman3:2
1 meelkist
3 oude vatenAndries Cuijper1:2
1 oude anker
wat rommelinghLourens Sweris1:3
wat rommelinghd’ wed:[uw]e Du Toij [du Toit]1:–
wat oud ijserwerkClaes Vegtman2:2
2 trapbaeljesAndries Cuijper2:2
1 baeljeClaes Swart1:4
1 emmer
eenige oude ysere hoepelsPieter Palingh1:4
eenige oude ysere hoepelsPieter Palingh1:4
1/2 legger met wat soutmons:r Mahieu1:7
1 heele legger met wat asijnmijn h:r Bek7:–
1/2 legger met wat asijnBastiaen Seval3:5
3 stellingsAndries C: van Tonderen6:4
1 coopere disteleerkeeteld’ h:r Bek12:2
1 coornseefJacob Potjé5:3
1 scheepel
6 zijldoekse sackenWillem Elberts6:3
6 zijldoekse sackenRoelof Jonasz:6:7
1 coopere schael met loot gewigtAbraham Everts3:7
1 celder met eenige flessenClaes Vegtman1:1
4 mandenDirk Coetsé1:4
2 sacken met uijenAndries C: van Tonderen2:4
2 sacken met uijenLourens Verbrugge2:4
2 sacken met uijende wed:[duw]e Schrijver1:5
1 schoffelAndries C: van Tonderen2:–
1 hark
1 meelsif
1 tafeltieAndries Cuijper1:–
eenige rommelerij
1 veere bedArij van Wijk [van Wyk]8:1
1 booter bakDirk Coetsé1: 1/2
2 manden met wat rommelingPieter Andries Sax0:7
3 porsselijne schootelsJan de la Fontaine2:4
7 porsselijne bordenBastiaen Seval2:1
16 theepieringtjesRobbert Jans: van Hoorn0:4
2 spoelkommenKervel0:5
1 trekpot
10 porsselijne leeuwtjesAbraham Everts1:5
1 tanghClaes Vegtman2:4
1 schop
1 tinne waterpotde wed:[duw]e Schrijvers1:5
1 el
2 bottelties
2 coopere blakersClaes Swart1:6
1 coopere confoorJan Botma3:1
1 blick trommeltje
1 [ ….. ] ijserPieter Palingh1:4
1 coffijmoolenDirk Smit5:–
1 coffij trommel
1 cisjeAbraham Evertsz:2:–
1 kleerborstel
1 cistjeWillem Elberts:2:–
2 rackenDirk Coetsé1:6 1/2
1 [racken]Claes Swart0:7 1/2
1 capstok
1 casjeHans Jurgen Harmens6:–
1 boekspiegelPieter Jansz: Swart1:–
1 bottel
2 silvere leepelsPieter Palingh2:1
2 silvere leepelsClaes Vegtman2:4
1 leedige spiegelClaes Vegtman2:7
1 verlakt comptoortjeAbraham Evertsz:0:7
1 pottebankArij van Wijk [van Wyk]4:–
9 tinne tafelbordenLourens Verbrugge4:6
1 tinne comAndries C: van Tonderen3:1
1 tinne comCoenraed Jansz: Visser4:–
2 tinne schootelsRobbert Jansz:1:7
2 tinne schootelsAndries Cuijper2:1
2 tinne schootelsFrederik Coenraed3:5
2 worsthoorentjes a tinne comClaes Vegtman0:5
2 coopere candelaersCoenraed Jansz: Visser1:4
2 coopere snuijtersCervel0:4
1 tinne candelaer
1 blicke coffijkanDirk Smit1:2
1 rakjeClaes Vegtman1:4
12 leepels
1 coopere vijsel met sijn stamperPieter Vinjon5:5
1 coopere ceetelClaes Vegtman2:4
2 coopere ceeteltjesClaes Jans: van Hofland1:–
1 coopere schuijmspaanDirk Coetsé [Kotze]1:4
1 coopere leepel
[ ….. ] tinne bordenAndries C: van Tonderen2:3
1 ijsere leepelDirk Coetse [Kotze]1:1 1/2
2 ijsere vleesvorken
1 cooper printjemons:r Tas1:2 1/2
1 cooper rasp
1 tinne mutsje
1 tanghRegardus Adolphus0:7 1/2
1 schop
1 schop tot brood
1 speetje
2 aerde schootelsWillem Elbertsz:0:7 1/2
1 aerde vergiettest
1 ijsere coekepanIsak Elbertsz:2:6
1 ijsere treeft
1 ijsere roosterWessel Pretorius2:–
1 ijsere treeft
1 ijsere braetpanClaes Vegtman2:–
1 hakmesDirk Coetsé0:4
1 capbort
1 ijsere vergiettestJan Botma1:5 1/2
1 rakKervel1:3
1 ijsere lampJacobus van Eeden0:5
1 caers doosje
1 rooster
2 schoorsteen kettingsJacobus Stijn [Steyn]2:2 1/2
3 coopere strijkijsersAndries Cuijper1:2
2 emmersWillem Elbertsz:1:3 1/2
2 emmersIsak Elbertsz:2:1
1 [emmers]Andries Voermeester1:1
1 aarde pot en schootel
1 ijsere potWillem Elbertsz:6:–
1 ijsere potAndries Cuijper3:1
1 ijsere potCoenraed Cloeten3:4
1 ijsere potIsak Elbertsz:5:1
1 ijsere potLourens Verbrugge10:1
1 ovenhaekClaes Vegtman1:5
1 ovenschop
1 b[ ….. ]
1 tafelWillem Elbertsz:0:6
1 tafelClaes Swart0:2
3 stooven
1 plankLourens Sweeris0:3
6 tinne bordenRoelof Jonasz:2:4
8 tinne bordenFrederik Coenraed2:1
1 tinne schootelAndries Cuijper2:–
2 tinne schootelAndries Cuijper2:4 1/2
2 tinne schootelJacobus Stijn [Steyn]2:7
2 tinne schootelLourens Sweeris2:4
1 tinne comJacob Potjé4:1
1 glase lantaernmons:r Mahieu3:1
1 rakClaes Vegtman2:4
4 porsselijne beekersDirk Coetsé [Coetzee]0:6
1 cooper gewigt
1 houtdoosjeJacobus Stijn0:4
1 blik trommeltje
2 rakjesMatthijs Greef d’ jonge1:2
1 bank
2 bedlakensClaes Vegtman1:4
2 bedlakensClaes Vegtman1:5
2 tafellakensWillem Elbertsz:1:2
6 servettenJacobus Stijn [Steyn]1:2
11 servettenClaes Vegtman2:1
6 sloopenArij van Wijk [van Wyk]1:–
8 sloopenClaes Vegtman1:4
2 tafellakensRobbert Jansz:0:5
1 linne cooij behangselClaes Vegtman2:6
2 stoelenRobbert Jansz v:[an] Hoorn1:4
2 stoelenWillem Elbertsz:1:4
2 stoelenwed:[uw]e Du Toij [du Toit]2:2
2 stoelenDirk Coetsé1:2
1 tafelAndries Cuijper2:–
1 tafelRoos d’ bode tot Stellenbosch2:2
1 trekpot met een silver dekselDirk Coetsé1:6
12 teekopjesArij van Wijk [van Wyk]1:2
13 teepieringties
6 tee pieringtiesPieter Vinjon1:–
1 bierglas
1 slavin Susanna genaemtClaes Vegtman85:–
1 slavin Lijsbet genaemtJacobus Stijn [Steyn]105:–
1 celder met flessenCoenraed Cloeten1:3
SommaRd:s 2533: 1/2

Aldus publijcq verkogt aan Stellenbosch en Drakenstijn op den 10: en 13: Februarij 1712.

Hendrick Bouma, Jan de la Fontaine

Mij present: A:[driaan] v:[an] Kervel, Secret:[ari]s

[59] CA: CJ 2651: Testamenten, 1716-1721, pp. 176-178; CA: MOOC 7/7: Testamenten, 1746-1751, no. 8.

[60] Jacob Cloete (1675-1713) – son of Gerrit Jacobsen Cloete (from Cologne) and grandson of murdered Jacob Cloete (from Cologne).

[61] Johannes (Jan) Smit (dies Cape 1696) (from Maastricht) is husband to Adriana Tol (1656-post 1722)  (from  Oudenlangendijck, Delft); born Delft (1656); baptized Nieuwe Kerk, Delft (16 July 1656) as Aryaentje Tol; daughter of Jacob Alewijnsz: Tol (c. 1600-1662) and Lijsbet Dircx: van der Piet (1626-1692); paternal granddaughter of Alewijn Jacobsz: Tol (dies 1621) and Maritgen Joosten (dies 1644); maternal granddaughter of Dirck Tonisz: van der Piet (dies 1660) and Ariaentgen Pleunis (dies 1655); marries (1stly) Jan Smit (dies 1696) (from Maastricht); 19 November 1680: baptism Sint Hippolytus op het Bagijnhof, Delft of illegitimate child Christoffel Smit by Lucretia van Sennen, widow of Robert van Santen; 1681: Soldier (Delft Garrison) in company of Capt. Moor; 25 October 1681: Ondertrouwboek Johannes Smits, jm., soldaet onder de comp. van cap.[teijn] Moor voorn. met Adriana Tol, jd., aen den Oudelangendijck 1 November 1681 Het 2e gebot omme redenen opgehouden also Lucretia van Santen, wed. van Robert van Santen, comparerende, verclaert met hem een kint geprocreert te hebbe[n]. Actum den 1 novemb. 1681; 27 December 1681: Bij acte in dato den 22 decemb. 1681 ter secret[ar]ie alhie[r] gepasseert, is / d[e] h[e]r[e]n. commissarissen gebleken dat Lucretie van Santen afstant gedaen heeft van hare pretensie / sulx hier ‘t genotuleerde geroijeert, ende heeft sijn voortganck gehad den; 27 decemb. 1681: 4 January 1681 [sic – 1682]; Attestatie gegeven op Schipluiden: den 4 januarij 1681 [sic – 1682]; 2 March 1683: burial Oude Kerk, Delft of een baarkind [? Christoffel Smit] 22 December 1685: Adriana Jacobsz: Tol, wife of Johannes Smit, soldier, appears before Delft Orphan Chamber stating that she is now supported by her husband, declaring further that her mother had raised and provided for her properly and thanking her for her good care and that her mother is now freed from any further obligation towards her maintenance; 1687: resident at Jonkers Hoek, Stellenbosch; 1692-1695: listed in muster rolls resident at Stellenbosch with husband Jan Smit; 1692 (4 children); 1693 (5 children); 1 October 1696: Cape-born Jacob Cloete (1675-1713) insults Jan Smit. Enraged, Smit draws his rapier, but Cloete evades the blows & clouts Smit with a piece of wood, beats him with his fists and kicks him in his chest, shouting: ‘Lie there, you dog!’ Within a very few days, during which he suffers continual pain in his chest, Jan Smit dies [CA: 1/STB 18/153 (Notarial Declarations, 6 October 1696 & 11 October 1696 & 6 June 1697)]; 1696: listed as a widow at Stellenbosch; marries (2ndly)  de facto c. 1699 NN; 29 June 1700:  censured by Stellenbosch Church Council for 1 year and admonished to lead a better life; 28 March 1702: censure continues; marries (3rdly) Stellenbosch 11 January 1705 Andreas / Andries Kuyper / Cuijper / Cuyper / Kuijper / Kuyper  (from Stettin), widower; 1697: sailor; 1699: ship’s carpenter; December 1704: free-burgher at Jonkers Hoek, Stellenbosch; freeman; 1702: joins controversial bartering expedition into interior  [H.C.V. Liebbrandt, The Defence of W.A.van der Stel, (Cape Town 1897), p. 138)]; 11 October 1705: declaration signed before Secretary of Stellenbosch and witnessed by Augustus Meijhuijsen and Jacobus Smit, Johannes Mulder and Dirk Coetsee [Coetzee], both old heemraden, stating that it is known to them that a certain farm in Jan de Jonkers Hoek, to the east above the farm of the late Jan de Jonker, had been in the possession of Jan Smit (from 1687 until his death) and is still in possession of Andries Cuijper as husband of Jan Smit’s widow; dies (post 1713 /  ante 1722); she dies (post 1722). 

[62] … Huijden d[e]n 11 october A[nn]o. 1696 Compareerde voor de nagenoemde gecomm[itteerde] uijt het respective Collegie van Landdrost en Heemraaden aan Stellenbosch, Jan [Paeterz:] veltwagter in dienst der E[dele] Comp[agnie] dewelcke ter requisitie van den landdrost Henricus Munckerius verklaarde, bij sijne manne waare woorde in plaats van eede, hoe waar en Waaragtigh is dat hij deposant op den eersten deser maand 1696, tussen vieren en vijven na de middagh is geweest agter het huijs of schuure van Steven Jans: Botma, en aldaar gesien en gehoort te hebben als dat Jacob Cloete, zijnde de zoon van den vrijman alhier, Gerrit Cloete, tegens Jan Smit, mede vrij landbouwer alhier, seide dat hij onmanierlijck met zijn paart leefde, dat den voornoemde Jan Smit, daar om soo toornigh wierde, dat hij hem Jacob Cloete twee steeken met zijn degen heeft zoeken toe te brengen, dogh wierde beide gaar door Jacob Cloete ontweken, dat daarop Jan Harmensz: Smit [Potgieter] zijnde een zoon van Harmen Jansz: Smit [Potgieter], de degen die Jacob Cloete mede tot sijn devensie wilde gebruijken, genoomen heeft en hem Jacob Cloete geraaden liever een stuck hout te gebruijcken, en hem daar mede een slagh te geven, seggende ‘t is niet te dulden dat een Caaps kindt voor een vaaderlandts keerel souden moeten swigten, welcke woorden Jacob Cloete gehoort hebbende, datelijck een stu[ck] hout genoomen heeft, gevende den voornoemd[e] Jan Smit met dit voorn[oemde] hout een slagh teg[en] sijn hooft dat hij terstont ter aarde viel, e[n] daarop met de vuijst niet weijnigh geslagen heeft, en met de voet op Jan Smit zij borst trappende seide: legt daar jouw hont. Alle h[ij] deposant verklaarde gehoore en gesien te hebbe[n] des nootes zijn ‘t zelve met eeden te willen bevestigen die daar… ‘t … ter present[ie] van de onder geschreven getuijge van geloove hierto[e] versogt en mij secretaris met zijn gewoonel[ijke] hantdteijken heeft bevestigt. Datum Stellenbosch ut Supra.          

Jan Pitersen
mij present
J. Swart
                ons present
                J. v.d Heijdt
                vander Beijl

[63] 14 June 1705: … ik vernam ‘thuijs komende dat Mr. Appel [Ferdinandus Appel, Heemraad te Stellenbosch, een van de leidsmannen in de beweging tegen W. A. van der Stel. Werd door de Gouverneur met Husing, van der Bijl on Meerland naar Nederland gozonden. [Zie verder zijn verklaring, Contra Ded., bl. 118.] nevens Lourens de Smit [Waarschijnlik Lourens Verbrugge (from Iperen [Ypres, Flanders]), vrijsmid en quartiermeester van de Burgerkavallerie van Stellenbosch en Drakenstein (Letters Despatched, bl. 272)] en Jan Harmansz: [Jan Harmansz: Potgieter, vrij burger en wachtmeester van de kavallerie. (Ibid.)] …

[64] Estherdal, formerly Hon(d)swij(c)k [Hondswyk] and now known as Under Oaks at Dal Josaphat, Drakenstein (between towns of Paarl and Wellington). The farm of my double paternal ancestor, the liberated slave woman (also slave-owner!) Maaij Ansela van Bengale aka Moeder Jagt. Purchased (1705) by her Eurasian son Johannes Basson (1675-1706). The farm is bought from burgher Jan Harmansz: Potgieter for the sum of f 2190. It is 58.200 morgen in size. Johannes Basson never marries and features as an adult and single in the census (1700 and 1705) even though actually in a de facto relationship with another ancestor Zacharia Jans: Visser (1665-1721), the widow of another ancestor Diederik Putter / Pötter (dies 1699) (from Zierenberg, Hessen-Cassel), who later remarries (5 July 1706) – yet another ancestor Andreas Krügel (from Tennenlohe). She appears separately in the muster rolls (1700 and 1705) as a widow with her children and again (1709) as the wife of Andries Krügel. His mother Moeder Jagt, however, and not his mistress (and mother of his illegitimate son), ‘inherits’ Honswijck from him and keeps the farm until her death (1720). An inventory of her deceased estate at Hondswyk is drawn up (11 September 1720): “Staat en inventaris van ‘t vee en andere goederen, naergelaten en met ‘er dood ontruijmt door Ansla van Bengalen so als ‘t selve door d’ ondergetekende als mede erfgenamen en naaste bloedverwanten opgenomen en bevonden is, op de plaats gen:[aem]t Hondswyk. The farm is then sold from her deceased estate to another ancestor (this time maternal 7x great-grandfather) Daniel Marais (son of Charles Marais Jr. (from Le Plessis-Marle, Ile de France, France) and Anne des Ruelles (from Guisnes, Calais, France) for a price lower than the original purchase price, f 1820.

[65] CA: 1/Stellenbosch 18/4: no. 11; CA: MOOC 8/2: Inventarissen, 1705-1714, 22 February 1714, no. 102; MOOC 7/4: Testamenten, 1726-1735, nos. 130 & 147 – a copy of original document has also survived also survived in CA: C 702: Instructiën, 1686-1722, no. 700.

[66] CA: RLR 1: Oude Wildschutte Boek, 1687-1712, p. 172.

[67] CA: MOOC 8/2, no. 102 Clara Herst [Herbst] 22 Februarj 1714 Inventaris en taxatie van alle de goederen naargelaten en met er dood ontruijmt bij wijlen Clara Herst ten voordeele van haar man Jan Harmensz: Potgieter ter eenre, en

hare twee minderjarige kinderen genaamtElisabeth en
Sijbille Potgieter

namentlijk

ƒ
Een hofstede gelegen800
50 stx: beesten600
150 stx: schapen225
2 stx: slaven510
3 paarden45
bedde goed45
‘t huijsraad en verderen imboedel samen150
Louis Flori is aan desen boedel debet330
Jacob Potje is aan desen boedel debet35
Jacobus van der Heijden is aan desen boedel debet72
Casper Jansz: is aan desen boedel debet15
Ignatius Marré is aan desen boedel debet24
Jan Lourensz: v: Rostok is aan desen boedel debet28
Philis Cordie is aan desen boedel debet48
Sommaƒ2927
Lasten des boedels
aan de Weescamer1000
aan Pieter Jurgen van der Heijde42
1042
Resteert nogƒ1885

Aldus overgegeven ter Weescamer aan Cabo de Goede Hoop onder presentatie van eede niets ter werelt agtergehouden ofte verswegen te hebben, dese 22 Feb: 1714

Dit is ‘t merk van Jan Harmensz: + Potgieter

[68] Son of Maria Kickers: (from Amsterdam) by attributed biological Cape-born father Ferdinandus Appel (son of Jan Joris: Appel (from Amsterdam) and Johanna (Jannetje) Ferdinandus (from Coutrai, Flanders), initial de jure / adopted son of Jan Cornelisz: aka Jan Bombam (from Oudbeijerland) & thereafter de jure / adopted son of Friedrich Both aka Botha (from Wangenheim, near Gotha, Thuringia).

[69] Daughter of Cape-born freed Eurasian slave Christoffel Snijman and Marguerite-Thérèse de Savoye (from Ghent, Flanders), paternal granddaughter of exiled (twice pardoned and freed) Company slave Groote Catrijn van Paliacatta by twice convicted VOC soldier Hans Christoffel Snijder / Snijman (from Heidelberg in the Palatinate) and maternal granddaughter of Jacques de Savoye (from Ath, Hainault) & Chistine du Pont

[70]Den 28 Maart Frederick Hermen Jansz: [Potgieter] van Noorthooren en Beeltie Fredericks      Leenart Jansz: en Aeltie Jans:

[71]Den selfden dito (26 November) …
Catharina Harmen Janssen Smit [Potgiete
r] en Belytge Frericks: (sic)…

[72] CA: CJ 726: 10; CA: C 728.

[73] Son of: Jacob Cloete (from Cologne) & Sophia (Fytje) Raderootjes (from Uts in’t Land van Keulen).

[74] Daughter of Hendrik Gijsbertsz: Verschuur (from Amersfoort) and Gesina (Geesje) Jans: Visser; baptised Cape 25 April 1677 Witnesses:  Jan Koenraets: Visscher [Jan Coenraedsz: Visser (from Ommen, Overijssel)], Gerrit Jansz: [Visser] & Beatries Gijsberts: [Verwey]).

[75] CA: MOOC 8/3, no. 7 Catharina Potgieter 27 October 1714 Inventaris en taxatie der goederen naergelaten en met ‘er dood ontruimt bij wijlen Catharina Potgieter ten voordeele van haer naergelatene man Jacob Potje ter eenre en

desselfs vier minderjarige kinderen alsHarmanus Eppenaeralle drie verwekt in voorig huijwelijk by haer overleedens eerste man Pieter Eppenaer zal:rter andere zijde
Mattheus en
Frederik Eppenaer en
Anthonij Potjegeprocreeert bij voorne Jacob Potje
ƒ
Een stuk lands geleegen onder ‘t district van Drakenstijn gewaerdeert op800:–:–
30 beesten a rd:s4 ‘t p:s360:–:–
5 paerden75:–:–
1 oude wagen50:–:–
1 ploegh15:–:–
2 ijsere potten10:–:–
2 tinne schootels en 1 com9:–:–
1 tafel6:–:–
12 tinne leepels3:–:–
1 bed met 1 combaers51:–:–
1 zift met 1 scheepel15:–:–
p:r restant der erfportie uijt den boedel van wijlen Beelijtje Fredericksz: nog ter Weescamer berustende726:12:1
Somma2120:12:1
Lasten des boedels
ƒ
aan diversche schuldigh200:–
Rest suijver in’t gemeenƒ1920:12:1

Aldus geinventariseert, getaxeert en ter Weescamer overgegeeven onder presentatie van eede van niets ter waereld agtergehouden ofte versweegen te hebben deesen 27 October 1714

Dit is ‘t + merk van Jacob Potje

[76] Daughter of free-black Louis van Bengale and freed private heelslag Cape-born slave Lijsbeth Sanders: and granddaughter of Company slave Sabba aka Elisabeth (Lijsbeth) Arabus van Abissina.

[77] Daughter of Johannes Hoffmann (from Langeberg, Germany) and Maria Louisz:; granddaughter of free-black  Louis van Bengale and freed private heelslag Cape-born slave Lijsbeth Sanders: and great-granddaughter of Company slave Sabba aka Elisabeth (Lijsbeth) Arabus van Abissina.

[78] Baptized 9 August 1693, daughter of Sophia van der Merwe and Roeloff Pasman (from Meurs / Mörs, Duchy of Cleves), granddaughter of Elsje Jacobs: Cloete & Schalk Willemsz: van der Merwe.

[79] Baptized Jan Albert Cape 29 September 1686, son of Niclaas / Niclaus / Nikolaus (Claas) Loubser / Laubscher (from Fräschels, Switzerland) and Engeltje Quint (from Leersum, Utrecht).

[80]Den 31 dito [Augustii] is een kint gedoopt en genaamt Maria waar van de vader was Harman Jansz: [Potgieter], ende de moeder Belietie Frederixs:, de getuijgen Douw Gerrebrandtze Stijn, en Maria Lozee

[81] Son (voorzoon) of Cape-born freed Eurafrican private slave Maria Lozee adopted by her husband Douw Gerbrandsz: Steijn / Steyn (from Leeuwarden, Friesland).

[82] News received that farmer David du Buisson, living in Hottentots-Holland, had last night been attacked in his house by fugitive slaves, and barely escaped with his wife and children, after receiving 7 or 8 severe wounds. The rascals took what they liked food, ammunition and firearms, and have not yet been caught. Another portion of these rogues endeavoured to do the same thing some time ago at a solitary station in the Land of Waveren, but were prevented by the courage of the party attacked, who wrote to his brother [Johannes Harmensz: Potgieter (1674-1733)] as follows:

“By means of Hottentot spies I endeavoured to discover the runaway boys. Afterwards I was told by Hottentot boys, who came over the mountains from Klip Rivier, that they had seen the fugitives there, but were afraid to catch them, armed as they were. They shot at them from a distance with arrows. On the following day, after the arrival of these natives, I and Claas Voogt, with 18 Hottentots, crossed the kloof of Buffeljagts Rivier, and searched for 5 days.  On the 6th day we returned home, having found nothing. On the day when Claas Voogt had left Wagenmakers Vlei, 15 boys at sunset endeavoured to surprise the station.  I wished to capture them, but they would not allow me. They resisted with assegais, and I was compelled to defend myself, for I was alone with Matthew. Between us we shot 8 of the 15. The rest we could not get. 8 days later we heard from the Hottentots that they had killed the rest. It was my good fortune that they had no gun, otherwise they would have murdered all at the station. God, however, strengthened me, so that I gained the victory, &c. Your brother, Hans Jurien Potgieter.”

[83] Daughter of Friederich Both [Bota / Botha] (from Wangenheim, Gotha) and Maria Kickers: (from Amsterdam).

[84]eod:[em] d:[it]o Dirk Vroonhof, van Sonsbeek, wed:[duwenaa]r met Beatrix Potgieter, van Cabo, jonge dogter.

[85] Alida (Aeltje) Verschuur daughter of Hendrik Gijsbertsz: Verschuur (from Amersfoort) and Gesina (Geesje) Jans: Visser (from Hardenburg, Overijssel); granddaughter of Johannes (Jan) Coenraedsz: Visser aka Jan Groff (from Ommen, Overijssel) and 1st wife Alida NN; baptised 20 August 1679 (witnesses:  Jantie Tielemans:).

[86] 27 d:[it]o [Januarij] [1715]         Paulus                 Dirk Vroonhof, en Beatrix Potgieter              Dirk Vroonhof, en Geertruij Nauta.

[87] 29 Januarij [1719]         Paulus                   Dirk Vroonhof, en Beatrix Potgieter              Jan Harmensz: Potgieter, en Marritje Potgieter

[88] 6 Junij [1723]                 Elizabeth              Dirk Vroonhof, en Beatrix Potgieter              Hans Jurgen Potgieter, en Catharina van Eeden ….

Was Gerrit Nieuwoudt really a NIEUWOUDT?

Was Gerrit Nieuwoudt really a NIEUWOUDT?

by Mansell Upham ©  

(1st featured in Capensis 3/ 2001  September  2001)

According to De Villiers/Pama all the children by the Cape of Good Hope stamvader Isaak Nieuwoudt (from Amsterdam) by his Cape-born wife Anna van Wyk are shown to have been baptised – except for Gerrit Nieuwoudt (listed as b3):

b1           Helena  = 9 October 1718

b2           Jeremias  = 17 November 1720

b3           Gerrit  = omstr. 1722 [sic]

b4           Alida  = 13 February 1724

b5           Johannes  = 15 July 1725

b6           Alida  = 30 November 1727

b7           Izaak  = 16 July 1730

b8           Anna Catharina  = 2 March 1732

The fact that Gerrit Nieuwoudt’s baptism is not listed begs further enquiry. 

Is his record of baptism missing?  No baptism could be found for the period 1720-1724.  In view of the fact that he married in church on 26 April 1739 Johanna Steenkamp, however, we can safely assume that he had indeed been baptised – the ritual of baptism being a prerequisite before marriage in church could take place.

De Villiers/Pama, however, also omit a marriage date for the stamouers.  We are nevertheless informed that at the time Isaak Nieuwoudt marries Anna van Wyk, he is a widower.

Anna van Wyk herself is omitted from the De Villiers/Pama genealogies of the Van Wyk families.[1]  

Elsewhere in De Villiers/Pama, there is also mention of one Anna / Johanna van Wyk being the [de facto] wife (circa 1716) of Gerrit Willemse (from Leeuwarden, Friesland). 

Significantly, this woman was mother to a son by Gerrit Willemse baptised Gerrit on 2 May 1717. 

Could he be our elusive Gerrit Nieuwoudt?  Is he the adoptive son of Isaak Nieuwoudt but the biological son of Gerrit Willemse?

Further enquiry reveals that Isaak Nieuwoudt and Anna van Wyk marry at the Groote Kerk in Cape Town on 6 February 1724.  This confirms that only the children enumerated as b4-b8 (ie Alida, Johannes, Alida, Izaak and Anna Catharina) are born in wedlock.  The first three children (ie Helena, Jeremias and Gerrit) appear to be voorkinders born out of wedlock.  Although later legitimised by the parent’s belated marriage, their initial illegitimacy, however, does not prevent the church from baptising them. 

Nevertheless, we are still left with one outstanding baptism – that of Gerrit Nieuwoudt. 

We must again pose the question: Is Gerrit Nieuwoudt in actual fact only an adoptive son of Isaak Niewwoudt being the biological son of Gerrit Willemse and Isaak Nieuwoudt’s future wife, Anna van Wyk?

Isaak Nieuwoudt and his wife appear in the muster rolls (Cape District) for free-burghers for the first time in 1725 – one year after their marriage.  Three children are enumerated: 2 sons and 1 daughter.  Presumably these are Helena (b1), Gerrit (b3 [sic]) and Johannes (b5).  Jeremias (b2) and Alida (b4) appear to die in infancy.

Genealogy is not only about collating and re-arranging the existing church records and transforming or converting these baptismal and marriage details into embarrassment-free genealogies.  Church records only reflect acts that conform to the conditions and rules set down by the church.  Human behaviour transcends such a confined world.  For this reason we need to look beyond the obvious and enquire further as to what might be the reason for Gerrit Nieuwoudt’s missing baptism.

The peculiar cirmcumstances pertaining to Gerrit Willemse’s forced removal from his own house, shed more light on Gerrit Nieuwoudt’s biological paternity. 

The year 1713 not only brings the devastating smallpox epidemic, but also further trials and tribulations to Gerrit Willemse and his unfaithful wife.  The marriage of Gerrit Willemse to the Cape-born halfslagh Maria Cornelisse appears to be stable until the appearance of the free-black Isaak Pieters: van de Caeb

Maria Cornelisse comes from an extremely troublesome Cape family.  Her father is a white man Cornelis Claesz: (from Utrecht).  Known in de wandeling as Kees de Boer, he has a reputation for hob-nobbing with the slave women.  Her mother is the formidable matriarch and freed slave Catharina van Malabar (also found as Catharina van Coromandel and Catharina van Bengale).  Before having their union blessed by the church, her parents not only have voorkinders together, but also separately.  Their genealogical contribution to the early Cape’s colonial populace is phenomenal.[2]

Wine belonging to his wife’s sister, Cornelia Cornelisse and her 2nd husband Richard Adolphus (from Tønder in Slesvig, Jutland, Denmark) is stolen by his cheating wife’s unruly black lover.  There appears to be more than one scuffle at the time as old man Andries Voormeester – his wife’s stepfather – states at the trial that the accused had grabbed him and thrown him into the fire merely because he refused to give him wine.[3]  Pietersz:, when arrested, even breaks free from the restraining grip of two judicial officers.   It is only after he had stolen the wine that they find him again, this time under the bed of Maria, his houvrou who is legal wife to Gerrit Willemse.

This is the final nail in the coffin for a bully who terrorises everyone around him.

For four years already he had moved into Maria’s home, usurping the place of her husband and appropriating his wife with whom he had had a seer groote familiaritijt.  On one occasion Pietersz: had even dragged Willemse by the hair out of his own home.  Willemse testifies that Isaac Pietersz: had appointed himself … als meester en voogt, ‘t geen … hem ondragelijk geweest te zijn … and that … twe onegte Bruijne kinderen … had been born out of the intruder’s relationship with his wife. 

Isaac Pietersz:’s social dysfunctionality dominates the trial.

The landdrost Nicolaas van der Heuvel has to hear that this 29-year old man had been freed from slavery as a child following the death of the free-burgher Leendert van Gijselen.  Thereafter, he had been brought up in the household of his deceased owner’s concubine, Maria Willems: (from Hamburg) who subsequently had become the wife of the free-burgher Matthias Diedriks (from Lutzenberg in the canton of Appenzell Ausserrhoden in Switzerland).  After 9 years, however, Pietersz, leaves her house to vagabondeeren.  At that stage he is already rebellious and she could … met reg … call him a deugniet.

Charged with … diverse quaataardigheeden en … het steelen van wijn … Pietersz: is found guilty and sentenced to be tied to a pole and flogged.  Thereafter, he is banished to Robben Island to be put to work but without being in chains.[4]

After being dragged by the hair out of his own house, Gerrit Willemse abandons himself to vagabondising and has to fall back onto the charity of other colonists.  Willemse later seeks succour in the arms of Anna van Wyk – if not for a short while, then at least until his death.  They would never be able to marry as Gerrit Willemse is still legally married to his adulterous wife. 

Thereafter, Anna van Wyk, an unwed mother, becomes concubine to Isaak Nieuwoudt.  Does he help father her other two pre-wedlock children before obtaining his burgher papers and finally getting married in 1724?   We know that the daughter Helena Nieuwoudt also goes by the name Helena Willemse.[5]  In all probability, all three of Anna van Wyk’s voorkinders are fathered by Gerrit Willemse but adopted by Isaac Nieuwoudt.

As Gerrit Nieuwoudt is fathered by Gerrit Willemse, we are left with an interesting anomaly:    more than half of the people bearing the surname Nieuwoudt in South Africa mostly descend from Gerrit Nieuwoudt – who is only a Nieuwoudt by adoption.  In effect, only the descendants of his two (half?) brothers, Johannes and Izaak Nieuwoudt Jr. are more likely to be biological offshoots of the stamvader Isaak Nieuwoudt. 

The mystery of Gerrit Nieuwoudt’s missing baptism illustrates effectively perhaps, that an individual’s family name or surname is not necessarily proof of descent.  As genealogists, we need to be reminded that, more often than not, we cannot always know which stallion jumped the fence


[1] Daughter of Willem van Wyk and his 2nd wife Catharina (Trijntje) Harmensz:.

[2] Mansell G. Upham, ‘The Soetkoek Syndrome – the dangers of ‘wishful linking’ and perpetuating genealogical myths when sharing ancestors and genealogical data, Capensis, no. 2 (2001), pp. 29-30.

[3] J. Leon Hattingh, Die Eerste Vryswartes van Stellenbosch 1679-1720, p. 60.

[4] Cape Archives (CA): CJ 5 (Oorspronklike regsrolle en notule), fol. 57, Landdrost Stellenbosch contra Isaac Pietersz:, 23.9.1713, CJ 782, no. 56 & CJ 317 (Criminele Processtukken) en 1/STB 18/156 (Notariële Verclaringe: Declarations: Matthijs Diedricks:, 16.8.1713, Gerrit Willemsz: van Leeuwaarden, Andries Voormeester, Jan Botma & Richard Adolphus, 18.8.1713).

[5] Mansell G. Upham, ‘Keeping the gate of Hell:  ‘subliminal racism’ and early Cape carnal conversations between black men and white women, Capensis, p. 31.

Cornelis van Quaalberg / Quaelberg(en) (1623-1687), 3rd VOC Commander (27 February 1666-18 June 1668) at Cape of Good Hope – Chronology 

by Mansell G. Upham

Cornelis van Quaalberg / Quaelberg(en) (1623-1687), 3rd VOC Commander (27 February 1666-18 June 1668) at Cape of Good Hope – Chronology 

1623:

born (Amsterdam);

1639:

assistent (klerk) aboard Maria de Medici to Batavia;

1644:

onderkoopman Dutch Indies – Coromandel Coast;

1647:

koopman Dutch Indies – Coromandel Coast;

1650-1652:

opperkoopman Dutch Indies – Coromandel Coast;

1655:

1st wife deceased;

1652-1657:

opperhoof Masulipatnam;

1657:

accused of private trade and summoned to Patria;

1 April 1658:

admiral of return fleet stopping at Cape;

Return Fleet arrives (1 April 1658) at the Cape under command of Cornelis van Quaelbergen (later 3rd Cape commander): Princess Royal, Ulysses, ‘t Hoff van Zeelandt and N. Enckhuijsen – on board is Domingo / Dominicus d’Moor van Bengale / Batavia – arrives at Cape ex Batavia as exiled convict (sent to Robben Island 17 July 1658) … Hiernevens gaet eenen Domingo van Batavia gewesen soldaet die op 28 Augustij verleden bij den Achtb:[aere]Raet van Justitie gedoemd is om g’arquebuseert te warden ende bij ons van de doot gepardonneert om den tijt sijns levens op ’t Robben Eijlant gebannen te blijven. [H.C.V. Leibrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Letters & Documents Received, Part 2, pp. 58-59]; DR mentions (1 April 1657) letter from XVII (9 October 1657), ordering ships to sail homewards north-about;

1666:

rejoins VOC;

1666:

3rd VOC commander (27 February 1666-18 June 1668) at Cape of Good Hope;

25 August 1666:

Cornelis van Quaelbergen, wife (Judith van den Boegaerde) & family arrive (Dordrecht) … Towards noon … came to anchor … long-awaited ship Dordrecht … with Hon. Commandeur Cornelis Van Quaelberge to replace Hon. Commandeur Wagenaer [who sailed (29 September) in her] … left Texel (19 December) with 294 souls112 men died on journey … now all but 8 or 10 men lying sick … Also arriving the orphaned sisters:

  • Adriana (Adriaentje) Sterreveld (from Nieuw Nederland [New York]) &
  • Cornelia (Neeltje) Sterreveld (from Nieuw Nederland [New York])

Details of voyage 1045.5 from Goeree to Batavia

Number1045.5
Name of shipDORDRECHT
MasterDelfshaven, Jan Lukas van Meeuwen van
Tonnage920
Type of shipfregat?
Built1652
YardDelft
ChamberDelft
Date of departure19-12-1665
Place of departureGoeree
Arrival at Cape25-08-1666
Departure from Cape01-10-1666
Date of arrival at destination30-12-1666
Place of arrivalBatavia
ParticularsVia Faeroe Islands. The ship stayed there for 2 months; 10 seafarers enlisted. The ship brought commandeur Van Kwaalberge to the Cape.
Next homeward voyage5558.5
On BoardIIIIIIIVVVI
Seafarers18711223477101
Soldiers881233742
Passengers116115

28 September 1666 [p. 56]:

Zacharias Wagenaer gives erf to Anthonij van Bengale [sic – van Japan] – situated between property of Thomas Christoffel Muller & Jan Marten de Wacht;

30 September1666, [Transporten en Schepenkennis, III, p. 106]:

Zacharias Wagenaer frees his Japanschen lijffeijgen gent. Anthonij and wife Annica van Bengale after 10 years of faithful service. Anthonij pays Rds. 60 for his liberty & that of his family;

30 September 1666 [Transporten en Schepenkennis, III, p. 108]:  

Mathijs, Paulo & Catharijn sold by Maria de Buquoij to Cornelis van Quaelbergen for Rds. 250;

30 September 1666 [Transporten en Schepenkennis, III, pp. 109-110]:  

Willem van Bengale, sold by Zacharias Wagenaer to the Rev. Joannes de Voocht for Rds. 90 or 1180;

21 October 1666, [Transporten en Schepenkennis, III, pp. 64-66]:

Anthonij van Bengale, vrije swart insgelijcx borger alhier, given [sic – Granted to Jacob Cornelissen Rosendael thereafter purchased 4 September 1671] property in the Zeestraat between Jacques Jacqueline and vacant land near the stables. (T 116) at the end of the Zee Straat [Strand Street] and bordered on north by wasteland at the tail of the Lion Mountain; on eastern side is the seashore; to the south, property borders erf of free-burgher Giacomo Jacolini aka Jacques Jacquelijn / Jacquelini – shoemaker from Venice.  Maaij Ansela and Anthonij van Japan and their families both live diagonally opposite on either side of Jacolini. With him is his knecht Barent Hendricx: Backer (from Lingen) who later marries Lijsbeth Roelofsz: (from Den Bommel, Goeree-Overflakkee, South Holland). The western border consists of undeveloped erven towards the Company’s horse stable. The other piece of land, a garden, is also in Table Valley and is situated behind the mill in the vicinity of the Company’s horse stable bordering the garden of Wouter Cornelisz: Mostaert (from Utrecht) and his wife Hester Weyers: Klim (from Lier); 26 August 1666:

arrives Cape with 2nd wife & family on Dordrecht; 1666: CommunicantenDen heer commandeur Cornelius Quaelbergen, Judith van den Boogaert sijn huysv:[rouw] vertrocken met att:[estatie]

27 September 1666:

installed as 3rd Cape commander (1666-1668);

3 January 1667:

Jan Vos van Cape Verde, sold by Pieter [sic – Barthlomeus] Borns (from Woerden) to Pieter van Meerhoff [Transporten en Schepenkennis, vol. III, p. 119];

8 January 1667:

Anthony van Japan & Annica van Bengale borrows money (f 200) from Commander Cornelis van Quaelbergen – should they not be able to pay him back on the due date, they have to enter his service until the amount is settled. A note in the margin stated that the debt is paid (2 February 1668) [Transporten en Schepenkennis, III, p. 120];

25 February 1667: Angela van Bengale given an erf in Table Valley by Cornelis van Quaelbergen, bordering to the north on the Heerestraat and on the east on the property of Wouter Cornelis: Mostaert [Transporten en Schepenkennis, III, p. 168];

13 April 1667:

2nd wife Judith van den Bogaerde visits Hottentots;

1 October 1667:

visits Cochoqua;

9 October 1667:

den 9 Octob:[er][1667]  een soontje van S[ieu]r. Adrianus de Vooght en Anna van den Meer syn h[uys]v;[rouw] wiert genaemt Petrus de getuyge waren juffr.[ouw] Judith van den Bogaerde h[uys]v:rouw] van den E.[dele] heer Command:[eur] Cornelis van Quaelbergen en de Luytenant Abraham Schut;

16 October 1667: den 16 Oct:[ober][1667] een soontje van S[ieu]r. Victor en Styntje van de Bergh wiert genaemt Cornelis; tot getuygen stonden de E.[dele] H.[eer] Command:[eu]r Cornelis van Quaelbergen en Judith van den Bogaerde syn resp.[ecteerde] huysv.[rouw];

13 November 1667:

baptism of Adriaentje Gabriels:

dito [den 13 Nov:[ember][1667]] een slavinne kint van den E.[dele] H.[eer] Comman:[deur] Quaelbergen, wiert genaemt Adriaentje [Later known as Adriaantje Gabriels:. – recorded as the step-daughter of Kees de Boer [Cornelis Claesz: (from Utrecht)] who marries (1stly) 9 July 1683 Pieter Gabriel Boshouwer & marries (2ndly) 12 February 1701 Coert Helm] de moeder Cathrijn [Catharina van Malabar who marries (1stly) free-burgher  Cornelis Claesz: (from Utrecht) alias Kees de Boer & marries (2ndlyAndries Voermeester] tot getuygen stont in persoon van de Juffr.[ouw] Quaelbergen haer slaevinnen;

20 December 1667: 

2nd wife Judith van den Bogaerde visits Hottentots;

29 March: 1668:

den 29 Maert : een dochtercke van Pieter Klincken Bergh [sic] zal:[iger] en Anna van Romswinckel syn huysvr.[ouw] wiert genaemt Petronella tot getuygen stonden Abr:[aham] Schut van den E.[dele] H.[eer] A. Friesius en Judith van den Boogaerde Huysvr.[ouw] van den E.[dele] H.[eer] Com:[mandeur] Cornelis van Quaelbergen;

June 1668: 

sells following slaves to Commander Jacob Borghorst for f 1 680: 

  • Claes [Claes Gerritsz: van Bengale],
  • Mat[t]hijs,
  • Anthonij [Anthonij Jansz: de Later van Bengale],
  • Andries [van Bengale] [branded for stealing sheep in 1666],
  • Jeronimus from Coast of Coromandel;
  • Tita from Bengal (male slave),
  • een Maleijer gen[aam]t. Barru

– Note: all sold by Borghorst to Company (March 1670);

18 June 1668:

Hendrik Lacus (from Wesel, Duchy of Cleves) suspended – familiarity with French – dismissed & summoned to Batavia;

11 August 1668: 

leaves with family Cape on Polsbroeck [Does Wid. Wachtendorp also leave & also Lt Schut?][Note:  Overbeek’s comments about his popularity];

22 November 1669:

schepen (alderman), ouderling, & vice-chairman of Orphan Chamber at Batavia;

1671:

resident Ternate;

20 July 1672:

commands Dutch fleet defeating  joint French-English fleet;

1 September 1676:

governor of Banda;

15 October 1680:

governor of Malacca;

4 April 1684:

Raad Extraordinaire Batavia;

1684-1687:

Raad-ordinaris, or member Hoë Raad van Indië;

29 September 1684:

Raad- extraordinaris van Indië;

3 February 1687:

dies Batavia [P. van Dam, Beschrijvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, vol. II. deel 2, p. 144];

marries (1stly)

Margaretha de With / de Witt (dies 1655)

daughter of:

former commander of Coromandel Jacob Fransz: de Witt (1603-1653) & Susanna van Wateringhe; granddaughter of:

Frans Jacobsz: de Witt (dies 1610) & Margaretha Wynandsdr: Rutgers;

great-granddaughter of:

Jacob Fransz: (1548-1621) & Elizabeth Andriesdr: Heyman;

great-great-granddaughter of:

Frans Cornelisz: de Witt (1515-1565) & Liduwit du Bevere;

great-great-great-granddaughter of:

Cornelis / Kornelius de Witt (1485-1537) & Beatrix Pietersdr: van Slingeland;

 marries (2ndly) 

Judith van den Bogaerde [Anna J. Böeseken, Uit die Raad van Justisie, p. 190, n. 579 for brief biography but note that she is quite unaware of Judith van den Bogaerde’s existence – also at the Cape];

children:

(1)           Anna van Quaelberg born Amsterdam (12 November 1659);

(2)           Catharina van Quaelberg born Amsterdam 8 June 166; dies Batavia; marries Cornelis Chastelijn (1657-1714, son of Antoine Chastelein (1613-1664) & Maria Cruydenier. brother to Geertruyd Chastelijn, wife of Pieter van Helsdingen who takes Cape VOC slave Mai Claesje Jans: van Angola (1652-1732) with them to Batavia; he has illeg. children (Maria & Catharina) by Leonora van Bali [Jean Gelman Taylor, The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasain in Dutch Asia (University of Wisconsin Press, Madison 1983), pp. 53-54] their son Anthonij Chastelein marries daughter of Mattheus de Haan (governor-general 1725-29);

24 February 1700:

Daniel van Bengale is sold on behalf of Cornelis Chastelijn by Rijckus van Kerlik to Henning Hüsing for Rds. 52;

13 April 1700:

Hannibal van Macassar is sold on behalf of Cornelis Chastelijn by Elbert Franszen to Jacob van Doornijk for Rds. 60;

marries (3rdly) Batavia 10 March 1672

Henrietta Chatelain / Chastelijn / Chastelein / Chasteleyn / Castelein / Casteleijn (1646-1694) (from La Rochelle)

daughter of:  

Hendrik Chatelain (dies Batavia 20 June 1656) & Magdalena de Moucheron (c. 1604-1662)

 maternal granddaughter of:  

Francois Moucheron (1557-1610) & Sara Martin, widow of: Hendrik Schenkenberg van Mierop

(1620-1671) born Deventer (9 January 1620); dies Malacca [Melaka]  29 June 1671; buried (30 June 1671) Paulus Kerk, Melaka – Grafsteen Hendrik Hendrik Schenkenberg, in syn leven Opper Coopman en Tweede Persoon der Stad en Fortresse Malacca overleden den 29en Juny 1671;

11 June 1688:

 Henrietta/ Henriette Chastelijn (1646-1694), 3rd wife & widow of Cornelis van Quaelberg manumits at Cape slave Agatha Sijmons: (aged 22 / 23 years);

mother to:

(1)           Joan Daniel Schenkenberg (1664-1665);

(2)           Mattheus Schenkenberg(1667-1709);

(3)           Joan Daniel Schenkenberg (1670-1758);

(4)           Magdalena Adriana van Quaelberg (born 1674);

marries Isaac van Schinne

issue:

 (a)          Henrietta Anna van Schinne

marries

Jan Cornelis Rademacher

(5)           Johanna Maria van Quaelberg (born 1676).

Driekoppen and the Three Cups Inn at Mowbray – Introduction

Driekoppen and the Three Cups Inn at Mowbray – Introduction

by Mansell G. Upham ©

New research into the historic original tavern and inn (founded 1723) at Mowbray – known initially as Driekoppen – reveals that this notorious drinking hole and infamous gathering place cannot have stood on the site of the present-day Mowbray Hotel (on the corner of Rhodes Avenue and Main Road) as previously claimed. 

This subverts the archaeological report done (1994) which investigates only one of the four subdivided portions of the original farm Varietas Dilectat (‘Variety Delights’).  This mistaken portion, at one time, is referred to as The Good Hope. The archaeological investigation (June 1994)[1] was undertaken on the erroneous assumption that the original inn – known at various stages as De Drie Coppen, Driekoppen, Metten, Finish, Mowbray Place, and The Three Cups Inn – stood on that specific subdivided portion – initially granted to Peter Marrant (1789-1863) – where the present-day Mowbray Hotel now stands.

Telling observations made in the report itself foreshadow the inconclusive outcome of the archaeological investigation:

“Thibault’s [1812] Survey of the properties along the Liesbeeck (Figure 1) shows Varietas with a building, possibly the Varietas homestead indicated. The position of this building does not correspond to the positions of buildings on the current erf and does not correspond to later diagrams or J.F. Comfield’s drawing of the Inn c182312 (Figure 2). It would appear that the building indicated on Thibault’s drawing stood approximately where the Mowbray library is today. Unfortunately the original Thibault plan has been damaged in a crucial area meaning that the accuracy of the copy provided is in doubt. We assume too that by this time that there was more than one building on the property. Thibault, usually a thorough surveyor would not easily have made such an error.”

The inn is initially named De Drie Coppen (‘The Three Heads’) in graphic memory of the murders (19 July 1724) of the tailor Jan de Sweedt (‘the Swede’) and the knecht (‘foreman’) of the Cape free-burgher Johann Zacharias Beck named Wilhelm Sillemann as well as the ensuing execution (by decapitation) and public display of the impaled heads of the three murderers – the runaway and apprehended slaves Jonas van Bougies[2], Baatjoe van Bougies and Baatjoe van Cheribon[3]. The slaves in question belong to the VOC official, the Moscow-born Johannes Swellengrebel (1671-1744) whose kragdadig son Hendrik Swellengrebel (1700-1763) becomes the the colony’s 1st local born governor.

The Court of Justice sentences the culprits to have their limbs broken without the coup de grâce after which they are to be exposed on the wheel until death ensues, the one with an axe, the other with a knife, and the third with a bludgeon above their heads.  These are the instruments used to commit the crimes.  They are then to be decapitated and their heads placed upon stakes near the spot where the crimes are committed.  Their trunks are to be left at the place of execution until devoured by the birds.[4] 

The area known as Three Cups – surrounding the original Three Cups Inn – is renamed (17 June 1850) Mowbray.  The new name for this recent new urban settlement conceivably derives from Mowbray Place – being the property on which the original inn (previously known as Driekoppen and The Three Cups) still stood.  This name, in turn, stems from the place Melton Mowbray in Leicestershire, England – being the provenance of Charles Dixon (1781-1837) – a previous owner of the fabled inn.[5]  Pama assumes that the name Driekoppen is already forgotten (by 1850) – but this is not credible as can be seen by the use of the name (as late as 1838) in the Opgaaf of that year and the petition (1850) by the local inhabitants to rename the new village Three Cups to Mowbray.[6] 

In their petition the local inhabitants, maintaining that a great part of the village is built on an estate called Mowbray, state “that the name of Three Cups is an erroneous translation of the Dutch words Drie Koppen” which according to the report is “given to the place in commemoration of a most discreditable occurrence” and “that the name of Three Cups was originally given to an Inn built on the spot, but in the process of time, it was applied to the village”.  They insist further “that it is the opinion of your petitioners that the name of Three Cups is a very improper one for a village, and that it would naturally give rise to associations by no means agreeable”.[7] 

Newly consulted archivalia confirm that the original inn actually stood on one of the other earlier subdivisons (1818): the one dubbed Metten, and initially granted to Dixon and, significantly, minus Dixon’s subsequent subdivision (1819) that is granted to Marrant and known as The Good Hope.  Robinson mistakenly states that Dixon sells Mowbray Place to Marrant.[8]  He only sells a smaller subsection of Metten and not the portion on which the inn stands.  This is also evident from the Opgaaf of 15 January 1838.[9] 

Dixon’s remaining portion of Metten is auctioned (1830), together with the remaining core of the original farm Varietas Dilectat, and purchased by Richard Payne Jones (1793-1853)

Thereafter, only the remaining portion of Metten appears to pass (1832) to William Turner and immediately thereafter (1838) to George Holloway (1807-1879).[10]  Holloway attests that he had been there since at least 1836.

George Holloway (1807-1879)

A memorial (29 December 1838) by Holloway reveals that the original inn was destroyed in a fire and that he rebuilt a new Three Cups Inn – but on what appears to be his other neighbouring land (a portion of the farm Welgelegen).[11]  The position of Turner’s and Holloway’s inn separate from Marrant’s place, is corroborated by the Opgaaf (15 January 1838) for Rondebosch.[12] 

An analysis of this census has helped to identify more fully the individual people listed (as taxable residents) at the place known then as Driekoppen and shows that Marrant and Holloway are resident on separate properties in the same year that the original inn – belonging to Holloway – is gutted by fire.  According to Holloway’s 1st insolvency papers, he had sold (June 1840) the land on which the inn stood – notably without any buildings to John Jeary (1801-1869) just prior to the surrender of his estate.[13] 

These new findings explain, to some extent, the insubstantial and uneventful conclusion provided by the afore-mentioned archaeological investigation. 

“There seems to be no doubt that the parts of the main building [present-day Mowbray Hotel] now present on the property date back to the 18th century. The buildings adjacent to the main road have however not been part of the physical archaeological investigation and therefore we have not been able to verify this. Similarly, it would appear that an older homestead stood on the site of the Mowbray Town Hall/library. It would be most interesting to determine whether any original fabric remains either within the current structure or below. The archaeological material found in the vicinity of the garages at the back of the main buildings and an investigation of the structure of the building suggested an occupation dating to the later part of the 19th century. Archival information would seem to confirm this observation. While no direct archival reference is made to the use of the structure, the archaeological observations suggest that it was probably a stable and coach-house and served an important function within the Inn complex.”

It is a pity that a wider deeds research or a survey (even if only archival) of all the adjoining properties has not been done.[14]  This would help identify more accurately the landed properties concerned and also their many owners (also lessees) – invariably related by blood or marriage.  It can also shed further light – especially on the embryonic urban development of Mowbray around the original inn.

This ongoing re-evaluation sets out, hopefully, a more plausible sequence of deeds transfer information dating from the earliest existing transaction to the 20th century and a more detailed chronology of events and newly found information drawn from both primary and critically revisited secondary sources.  Particular attention has been dedicated to identifying more fully the various individual historical people associated with Driekoppen / Three Cups (later Mowbray) and their lives. 

This project aims to complement the deeds research already undertaken in the archaeological investigation (1994) and will feature in future consecutive instalments.  These will be arranged chronologically under the name of each of the registered owners of the original farm that comes to be known as Varietas Delectat (`Variety delights …`)[15] and its subsequent subdivisions.

It is sincerely hoped that this endeavour will help any further archaeological investigations of the original site of the inn.

Registered owners of the original farm that comes to be known as Varietas Delectat

1st Owner (1669-1670):                     Claas Vechtmann (from Merano, Tyrol) 

2nd Owner (1670-1670):                 Willem Willemsz: de Lierman (from Deventer, Overijssel)

3rd Owners (1670-1672):                 Claas Vechtman (from Merano, Tyrol) & Hendrik Jansz: van Schaijck (from Montfoort, Utrecht)

4th Owners (1672-1672):                   Willem Willemsz: de Lierman (from Deventer, Overijssel) and Johannes Coon (from Sommelsdijk) on behalf of the Dutch East India Company (VOC)

5th Owner (1672-1698):                   Gerhard (Gerrit) Pieterzoon van der Bijl (1640-1698) (from Overschie, Zuid-Holland)

6th Owner (1698-1723):                  Pieter van der Byl (1659-1723) (from Overschie, Zuid-Holland)

7th Owner (1724-1724):                   Johannes Zacharias Beck (from Langensalza, Saxe-Gotha)

8th Owner (1724-1728):                   Rudolph Brits

9th Owner (1728-1729):                  Johannes Zacharias Beck (from Langensalza, Saxe-Gotha)

10th Owner (1729-1734):                 Johannes van Helsdingen (from Amsterdam)

11th Owner (1734-1736):                 Mattheus de Wulff (from The Hague)

12th Owner (1736-1737):                 Johanna / Anna (Antie) Hasselaar

13th Owner (1737-1743):                 Maria Strand (from Amsterdam), Widow of  Hendrik Schrik

14th Owner (1743- 1744):               Harmen Combrink (from Bielefeld)

SUBDIVISION 1[16]  – Varietas (reduced core only)

1st Owner – Subdivision 1 (1745-1751):        Jan Hendrik Combrink

2nd Owner – Subdivision 1 (1751-1771):        Johannes Bruyns (1717-1784)

3rd Owner – Subdivision 1 (1771-1782):       Tobias Rogiers

4th Owner – Subdivision 1 (1782-1807):        Jan de Goede

5th Owner – Subdivision 1 (1807-1816):        Meindert la Cock [married to MM de Goede]

6th Owner – Subdivision 1 (1816-1818 [?]): Antoinie  / Anthonij Gerhardus Steenhardt / Steijnhardt / Steinhard / Steynhard / Steynhardt / Stijnhardt / Stynhard / Stynhardt  (1774-1826) (from Amsterdam)

SUBDIVISION 2 [Metten] – subdivision of the southern portion of land measuring 4m 30sq rds created during Subdivision 1.

1st Owner – Subdivision 2 (1818-1819):        Charles Dixon (1781-1837) (from Melton Mowbray, Leicestershire, England)

SUBDIVISION 3 [The Good Hope]

1st Owner – Subdivision 3 (1819-1823):        Peter Marrant (1789-1863) (from Leuven / Louvain, Belgium)

2nd Owner – Subdivision 3 (1851-1871):        Michael Butler (1807-1879)

REMAINDER SUBDIVISION 2

2nd Owner – Remainder Subdivision 2 (1830-1832):       Richard Payne Jones (1793-1853) (from England)

3rd Owner – Remainder Subdivision 2 (1832-1838): William (Will) Turner

4th Owner – Remainder Subdivision 2 (1836 – resident / 1838 – owner)-1840:    George Holloway (1807-1879) (from Arundel, Sussex, England)

5th Owner – Remainder Subdivision 2 (June 1840- 1851):       John Jearey (1801-1869) (from Norfolk, England)

CONSOLIDATION:  REMAINDER SUBDIVISION 2 & SUBDIVISION 3

1st Owner Subdivision 2 & Subdivision 3 (1851 & 1871-1887): William Hare, Senior (1813- 1874) (from London (Bethnal Green, Middlesex), England)

2nd Owner – Subdivision 2 & Subdivision 3 (1887-?): Sarah Susannah Bennett (née Hare) (born 1848), wife of Charles Bennet

3rd Owner (Subdivision 2 & Subdivision 3) – 1 April 1936: Ohlssons Cape Breweries Limited


[1] ‘Phase One Archaeological Investigation of the Old Mowbray Hotel’, Archaeology Contracts Office (ACO), Department of Archaeology, University of Cape Town (June 1994) – https://sahris.sahra.org.za/sites/default/files/heritagereports/9-2-018-0261-19940601-ACO_0.pdf.  This mistaken assumption appears to have been perpetuated in a subsequent heritage assessment by Chris Snelling in his Phase 1 Impact Assessment on the Shoprite Building, cnr Rhodes Ave and Main Road, Mowbray) – vide the posting (16 May 2014) by Jim Hislop on his facebook page The Cape’s Threatened Buildings –

https://www.facebook.com/groups/125151067623190/search?q=driekoppen.

[2] Buginese – an ethnic group indigenous to the Indonesian island of Sulawesi.  The Bugis, inhabiting the SW peninsula of Sulawesi, emerge as important traders, playing an important role in 17th century inter-insular trade onwards, taking over that role from the Malay and Javanese.  Besides spices, textiles and other articles, slaves are also an important commodity for Bugis traders with Bugis themselves also forming an important commodity: they are the largest single ethnic group of slaves in 18th-century Netherlands Indies.  In 1816 in Batavia, the capital of the Dutch colony, 25.8% of all slaves are of Bugis descent, while as much as 42.99% of the slave population originate from Sulawesi.  Many Bugis are imported to the Cape.  Robert Shell has calculated the total number of slaves brought there in the period of the trade (1652-1808) at 62,964, and argued that 22.7% of them came from Indonesia.  This would be somewhat over 14,000.  It is difficult to say what proportion of these are Bugis.  Given that somewhere in the region of 60,000 slaves are imported into the Cape during the period of slavery …, the number of Bugis slaves imported must have been between 3500 and, say, 5000, at any rate enough to make them a very evident presence within Cape society [Robert Ross, ‘Upas, September and the Bugis at the Cape of Good Hope.  The Context of a Slave`s letter’, Archipel, vol. 70, 2005, pp. 281-308].  The Bugis people of Sulawesi, Indonesia divide their society into 5 separate genders: * makkunrai,  * calabai,  * calalai,  * oroané, and  * bissu.  Two are analogous to cisgender male and female while the remaining 3 bissu, calabai, calalai are not easily comparable to Western ideas of gender.  All 5 categories exist in Bugis society because of the cultural belief that all 5 genders must coexist harmoniously.  Bissu = ‘gender transcendent’.  Divergent theories exists regarding definitive origins and meaning.  To be considered bissu, all aspects of gender must be combined to form a whole – this can include those who are born intersexed.  However, being bissu does not necessarily mean one does not possess only fully functioning male or female sexual organs or even that that one would not be called a cisgender male or female outside of Bugis society.  Bissu advice is typically sought when particular approval from the powers of batin [spiritual world or spiritual reading of Koran] is required, eg this may be when Bugis person is departing Sulawesi on Hajj (compulsory pilgrimage to Makkah).  In that situation the bissu will permit an excellent djinn [jinn (Arabic: الجن‎ al-jinn, singular الجني al-jinnī or djinn), or genies, are spiritual creatures mentioned in Qur’an and other Islamic texts inhabiting unseen world in dimensions beyond visible universe of humans.  Together, jinn, humans and angels make up the 3 sapient creations of God.  The Qur’an mentions that jinn are made of smokeless and scorching fire, but also physical in nature, being able to interact physically with people and objects and likewise be acted upon.  Like human beings, jinn can also be good, evil or neutrally benevolent and hence have freewill like humans and unlike angels.  Jinn are mentioned frequently in Qurʾan and 72nd surah is titled Sūrat al-Jinn] to seize them and proceed as emissary of batin.  Though not in keeping with traditional Islam, tolerated by regional Muslim establishment on condition that it does not comprise any act in opposition to Sharia – ie the spirit and the Bissu’s powers should not be measured as in any way being autonomous from Allah’s power because Allah is the only one who is to be venerated.  In daily social life, the bissu, along with calabai and calalai are authorized to enter women’s parts of dwellings and villages in addition to men’s.  Calabai = ‘false woman’.  Term in gender system of Bugis referring to person assigned female at birth but taking on role of heterosexual male in Bugis society. Calalai individuals do not `transition` like most Western transgender people, Calalai merely dress and present themselves in masculine fashions of cisgender men.  Therefore, these people are generally physically male but take on role of heterosexual female. Fashions and gender expression of Calabai individuals is distinctly feminine but not matching `typical` cis-gendered woman. “If there is to be a wedding in Bugis society … calabai will be involved in the organization. When a wedding date has been agreed upon, the family will approach a calabai and negotiate a wedding plan. The calabai will be responsible for many things: setting up and decorating the tent, arranging the bridal chairs, bridal gown, costumes for the groom and the entire wedding party (numbering up to 25), makeup for all those involved and all the food. Rarely did I attend a village wedding with less than a thousand guests. On the day, some calabai remain in the kitchen preparing food while others form part of the reception, showing guests to their seats”.  The Bissu usually takes the role as medicine man, sorcerer or medium with spiritual realm in traditional Bugis society and is also involved in traditional performance such as La Galigo or as in its latter-day revived I la Galigo (2004) – an epic creation myth of Bugis from South Sulawesi, written down in manuscript form (between 18th and 20th century) in the Indonesian language Bugis, based on earlier oral tradition has become known to wider audience mostly through theatrical adaptation (2004) I La Galigo by Robert Wilson using the Sureq Galigo story of a Middle World (that of humanity) about the warrior Sawerigading and his twin sister, We Tenriabeng:  Descendants of the gods of the Heavens and the gods of the Underworld they send their offspring to inhabit the earth.  From the time in their mother`s womb they are destined to fall in love with each other.  Worried that their incest would doom the world, Bissu [one of 5 genders in Buginese society] priests order them to be separated at birth.  Sawerigading travels abroad but is eventually told about the world’s most beautiful woman.  He returns home falling in love with his twin sister.  To avoid the worst, We Tenriabeng introduces him to a woman of equal beauty whom he marries to have a son named I La Galigo.  The earth is cleansed of all life and their children mate again to repopulate it and start a new era.  The original poem is composed in pentameters and relates the story of humanity’s origins but serves also as practical everyday almanac.  Evolved mostly through oral tradition it is still sung on important occasions.  The earliest preserved written versions date back to 18th century, earlier ones have been lost due to insects, climate or destruction.  Consequently, no complete or definite version of Galigo but preserved parts amount to 6,000 pages or 300,000 lines of text, making it one of largest works of literature.  Original Buginese, in which also the production is sung, is now only understood by less than 100 people but so far only parts of it have been translated into Indonesian and no complete English language version exists either.  The majority of La Galigo manuscripts still extant can be found in Indonesia and Netherlands. Leiden University Library keeps one of most valuable manuscripts. The Leiden manuscript consists of 12 volumes and relates the 1st part of long Buginese epic.  The world`s largest coherent La Galigo fragment was written in Makassar at request of theologian and scholar B.F. Matthes (1818–1908)Matthes entered service of Netherlands Bible Society (1947) to study Buginese and Makassarese with purpose of translating Bible in those languages.  The text written by Colliq Pujié (Arung Pancana Toa), Queen-mother of Tanete, a small kingdom in South Sulawesi.  The manuscript is now part of the collection of Indonesian manuscripts of the Netherlands Bible Society, given on permanent loan to Leiden University Library (since 1905-1915).  Together with another La Galigo manuscript held in Makassar, the Leiden manuscript is now included in UNESCO’s Memory of the World (MOW) Register (2012) as a 2nd document from Indonesia after Negarakertagama (2008) [Sharyn Graham Davies, “Gender Diversity in Indonesia: Sexuality, Islam and Queer Selves” ASAA Women in Asia Series (Routledge 2010) and Challenging Gender Norms: Five Genders Among Bugis in Indonesia – Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology (Wadsworth Publishing 2006); Christian Pelras, The Bugis – The Peoples of South-East Asia and the Pacific (Wiley-Blackwell 1997).

[3] Cirebon on the island of Java, Indonesia.

[4] Cape Archives (CA): Journal and Sententiën (1724); Colin Graham Botha, Place names in the Cape district – their origin and history; printed for the South African National Society for the Preservation of places of historical interest, Cape Town, 1917.

[5] C. Pama, Wagon Road to Wynberg (Tafelberg 1979), pp. 32-33.  Pama seems to be unaware of the contribution of Charles Dixon (1781-1837) to the area being renamed Mowbray after his provenance Melton Mowbray in Leicestershire, England and the name Mowbray Place for his property on which the original inn stood.  This omission is also perpetuated by the archaeological investigation (1994) but is corrected by Helen Robinson, The Villages of the Liesbeeck: From the Sea to the Source (Houghton House, Wynberg 2011), pp. 130-131. 

[6] CA: CO 1179 (Memorials, 1859).

[7] Vide Colin Graham Botha, Place names in the Cape district – their origin and history; printed for the South African National Society for the Preservation of places of historical interest, Cape Town, 1917.

[8] Helen Robinson, The Villages of the Liesbeeck: From the Sea to the Source (Houghton House, Wynberg 2011), p. 130. 

[9] CA: J 57 (Opgaaf Rollen, 1834-1837).

[10] The deeds for Turner and Holloway are missing which explains perhaps the later confusing consolidation and regrants (1871 & 1887) to William Hare and Sarah Susannah Bennett (née Hare).

[11] CA: Colonial Office [CO] 3997, no. 102 (Memorial: George Holloway regarding application for licence, 29 December 1838).

[12] CA: J 57 (Opgaaf Rollen, 1834-1837).

[13] CA: Master of the Orphan Chamber (MOIB): Insolvent Boedels] 2/570, no. 36 (George Holloway, 31 May 1843).

[14] Vide William de Villiers, ‘Milling, Drinking and carnage on the banks of the Liesbeek’, Familia, vol. 33, no. 1 (1996), pp. 17-23 which recounts the contemporary familial (also rival) beginnings of the neighbouring Moolenvliet.

[15] Cicero, de natura deorum 1, 9, 22.

[16] Diagram 8/1745 shows the northern portion of land resulting from subdivision. This measured 9m 585sq r and no buildings are shown. The southern portion of the subdivision has no survey diagram unfortunately but the earlier diagram of Varietas (1724) shows clearly where the subdivision occurred. The southern portion is the smaller and makes up the balance of the original 13m 264sq r.  The history of the northern portion, unfortunately, was not researched.  

De-androcentrifying the family tree …

by Mansell G. Upham

If culture, language, heritage etc. derive from the mother as repository-receptacle-whatevah, should I not concentrate my energies rather on tracing the mother’s mother’s mother’s mother’s lines?

I now have another slant or deviation to my imposed inherited world:  By de-androcentrifying the family tree and going backwards, as it were (?), I now look to the following likely culprits of my cultural past:  Gertie Dale, Kittie Marais, Johanna Lombard – but oops – great-granny Kittie was adopted … does this mean that I should look to adoptive Ouma Hessie de Witt of Wellington as being culturally and heritagenously culpable? 

What about paternal Granny Hettie Basson, Mimie Blatt, Hessie Smuts, Hester Bresler, Hester Louw, Hester Wiese, Margaretha Swart, Sara du Buis,  Sara Jacob, Suzanne de Vos? 

To be Frank … is that my lot?  To be haunted by a host of Hesters? Relieved – because to-be-French might ethnically be ‘best’?  Quelle horreur!  Grateful – because I now know that, like Coenraad Buys, I, too, can breed with a clear conscience … ?

Toyi-toying with ‘gender ideology’ can be illuminating …   

At the risk of being crudely reductionist, the following issues usually emerge:

(1)        the appropriateness and functionality of numbering/recording systems in  genealogy

(2)        the alleged invisibility of women in genealogy and beyond  [‘women’s historical invisibility’]

(3)        ‘loss of pedigree’ or  the gene-factor

Some questions I ask myself:

*          Androcentrism – is it real, to what extent is it actually there and why is it there?   Are women really invisible?

*          Should we apportion blame or rather record and interpret differently? Redress?  How?

*          What is the purpose of genealogy or of recording families?

*          How aware are we of imposing a current (not necessarily permanent) ideological / value-system onto (some) past practices, the assumption/presumption being that what came before is ‘wrong’ … ?

*          Is it a question of interpretation or enforcing or realising parity?

Genealogical numbering or recording systems are merely a means to an end.  Is the argument not more about changing the way we identify ourselves and/or our ancestors?  Genealogy was once even restricted to the ignobly noble ….

To single out Heese/Lombard is perhaps harsh.  There are some (separate) entries for ‘founding mothers’.  This follows the insufficiently appreciated ground-breaking work of Margaret Cairns to which the late J.A. Heese, a man, was certainly not insensitive.  It was she who subverted the De Villiers numbering system and used it to force entry into the harum-scarum world of the Slave Lodge – the real world that was Armosyn progenified ….

Regarding ‘South African’ colonial genealogical practice, the Dutch system (legal/cultural) certainly allows women a greater presence in public records.  Anybody having both Dutch (in a generic sense) ancestors AND English ancestors, might agree with me:  it is hell to trace married women in English public records – ‘maiden names’ are MAIDEN names and terminate somewhat with marriage. 

Throughout my short life I have constantly been ‘judged’ and ‘classified’ and discriminated negatively by my surname. Even now it is expedient and exasperating to have to always opt for ‘inclusivity’ (a new New-South African buzzword) and at times I still always have to add:  “… ja, maar my ouma was Hettie Basson” …

Then again, I am still being somatically-challenged by newly empowered pigmentally-correctionistified feminists:  ‘What ‘sort’ of name is ‘Upham’? … My pitiful response being:  “… Just because I happen to have my father’s father’s father’s father’s name does not mean that I cannot descend from  Khoe / San or Indian women … It just so happens that my 3rd great-granny Sarah Hughs gave birth in a Shoreditch workhouse to a bastard baptised William Upham Hughes, nogal, and later swallowed rat poison – the ‘authorities’ saw fit to circumvent their own stupid (read ‘human’) laws by allowing this suicide a ‘Christian’ burial by presuming her to be a ‘lunatic’ – a radical measure to prevent any radical subversion of the established ‘order’ …

Apparently, one can now choose one’s own surname in Germany.  The prospect of my widowered father remarrying made me consider petitioning to be ‘allowed’ to use instead my mother’s maiden name Priem, but then my late mother, once married, rejected that name on the basis that her family never really cared enough; fortunately my Father does not see the point of institutionalised (ie blessed by others as if their sanction is needed) marriage at this stage of his life.  My divorcee (a respectable word now) sister opted to keep her married name for the sake of her children and just because it was sommer easier …

Being made to use both parents’ surnames is still used censorially in countries like Chile as an effective method of exposing, outing or flushing bastards.  Icelanders are modern in-spite-of-themselves:  first names take precedence followed by – and this is where they slip up – patronymics (not matronymics) – but what if your father is not known …?

Loss of pedigree?  We should not confuse names with genes – at best they are merely an indication of which spermatazoon might have had a go at the waiting-to-be-fertilised ovum (oops … ovum in Latin is an ostensibly masculine-looking gender!) …

As for impressions – even in genealogy … these are likely always to be ‘distorted’.

Yours in fecund genealogical debate.

Finally, considering that our male ancestors were only of real initial use, can one blame them for hiding behind the myth of male domination and entrenching this myth by means of imposing, or making available, male-derived family names in the case of legitimacy?  Can we not allow them at least this one little concession for the sake of parity?

Yours in fecund genealogically-challenging debate ….

Mansell (Upham) van Grietje Groff x 7malgré moi

THE BUDDHIST PRIEST’S WIFE – Olive Schreiner

THE BUDDHIST PRIEST’S WIFE

by Olive Schreiner (1855-1920)

COVER her up! How still it lies! You can see the outline under the white. You would think she was asleep. Let the sunshine come in; it loved it so. She that had travelled so far, in so many lands, and done so much and seen so much, how she must like rest now! Did she ever love anything absolutely, this woman whom so many men loved, and so many women; who gave so much sympathy and never asked for anything in return! Did she ever need a love she could not have? Was she never obliged to unclasp her fingers from anything to which they clung? Was she really so strong as she looked? Did she never wake up in the night crying for that which she could not have? Were thought and travel enough for her? Did she go about for long days with a weight that crushed her to earth? Cover her up! I do not think she would have liked us to look at her. In one way she was alone all her life; she would have liked to be alone now! … Life must have been very beautiful to her, or she would not look so young now. Cover her up! Let us go!

Many years ago in a London room, up long flights of stairs, a fire burnt up in a grate. It showed the marks on the walls where pictures had been taken down, and the little blue flowers in the wall-paper and the blue felt carpet on the floor, and a woman sat by the fire in a chair at one side.

Presently the door opened, and the old woman came in who took care of the entrance hall downstairs.

“Do you not want anything to-night?” she said.

“No, I am only waiting for a visitor; when they have been, I shall go.”

“Have you got all your things taken away already?”

“Yes, only these I am leaving.”

The old woman went down again, but presently came up with a cup of tea in her hand.

“You must drink that; it’s good for one. Nothing helps one like tea when one’s been packing all day.”

The young woman at the fire did not thank her, but she ran her hand over the old woman’s from the wrist to the fingers.

“I’ll say good-bye to you when I go out.”

The woman poked the fire, put the last coals on, and went.

When she had gone the young one did not drink the tea, but drew her little silver cigarette case from her pocket and lighted a cigarette. For a while she sat smoking by the fire; then she stood up and walked the room.

When she had paced for a while she sat down again beside the fire. She threw the end of her cigarette away into the fire, and then began to walk again with her hands behind her. Then she went back to her seat and lit another cigarette, and paced again. Presently she sat down, and looked into the fire; she pressed the palms of her hands together, and then sat quietly staring into it.

Then there was, a sound of feet on the stairs and someone knocked at the door.

She rose and threw the end into the fire and said without moving, “Come in.”

The door opened and a man stood there in evening dress. He had a great-coat on, open in front.

“May I come in? I couldn’t get rid of this downstairs; I didn’t see where to leave it!” He took his coat off. “How are you? This is a real bird’s nest!”

She motioned to a chair.

“I hope you did not mind my asking you to come?”

“Oh no, I am delighted. I only found your note at my club twenty minutes ago.”

He sat down on a chair before the fire.

“So you really are going to India? How delightful! But what are you to do there? I think it was Grey told me six weeks ago you were going, but regarded it as one of those mythical stories which don’t deserve credence. Yet I’m sure I don’t know! Why, nothing would surprise me.”

He looked at her in a half-amused, half-interested way.

“What a long time it is since we met! Six months, eight?”

“Seven,” she said.

“I really thought you were trying to avoid me. What have you been doing with yourself all this time?”

“Oh, been busy. Won’t you have a cigarette?”

She held out the little case to him.

“Won’t you take one yourself? I know you object to smoking with men, but you can make an exception in my case!”

“Thank you.” She lit her own and passed him the matches.

“But really what have you been doing with yourself all this time? You’ve entirely disappeared from civilised life. When I was down at the Grahams’ in the spring, they said you were coming down there, and then at the last moment cried off. We were all quite disappointed. What is taking you to India now? Going to preach the doctrine of social and intellectual equality to the Hindu women and incite them to revolt? Marry some old Buddhist Priest, build a little cottage on the top of the Himalayas and live there, discuss philosophy and meditate? I believe that’s what you’d like. I really shouldn’t wonder if I heard you’d done it!”

She laughed and took out her cigarette case.

She smoked slowly.

“I’ve been here a long time, four years, and I want change. I was glad to see how well you succeeded in that election,” she said. “You were much interested in it, were you not?”

“Oh, yes. We had a stiff fight. It tells in my favour, you know, though it was not exactly a personal matter. But it was a great worry.”

“Don’t you think,” she said, “you were wrong in sending that letter to the papers? It would have strengthened your position to have remained silent.”

“Yes, perhaps so; I think so now, but I did it under advice. However, we’ve won, so it’s all right.” He leaned back in the chair.

“Are you pretty fit?”

“Oh, yes; pretty well; bored, you know. One doesn’t know what all this working and striving is for sometimes.”

“Where are you going for your holiday this year?”

“Oh, Scotland, I suppose; I always do; the old quarters.”

“Why don’t you go to Norway? It would be more change for you and rest you more. Did you get a book on sport in Norway?”

“Did you send it me? How kind of you! I read it with much interest. I was almost inclined to start off there and then. I suppose it is the kind of vis inertiæ that creeps over one as one grows older that sends one back to the old place. A change would be much better.”

“There’s a list at the end of the book” she said, “of exactly the things one needs to take. I thought it would save trouble; you could just give it to your man, and let him get them all. Have you still got him?”

“Oh, yes. He’s as faithful to me as a dog. I think nothing would induce him to leave me. He won’t allow me to go out hunting since I sprained my foot last autumn. I have to do it surreptitiously. He thinks I can’t keep my seat with a sprained ankle; but he’s a very good fellow; takes care of me like a mother.” He smoked quietly with the firelight glowing on his black coat. “But what are you going to India for? Do you know anyone there?”

“No,” she said. “I think it will be so splendid. I’ve always been a great deal interested in the East. It’s a complex, interesting life.”

He turned and looked at her.

“Going to seek for more experience, you’ll say, I suppose. I never knew a woman throw herself away as you do; a woman with your brilliant parts and attractions, to let the whole of life slip through your hands, and make nothing of it. You ought to be the most successful woman in London. Oh, yes; I know what you are going to say: ‘You don’t care.’ That’s just it; you don’t. You are always going to get experience, going to get everything, and you never do. You are always going to write when you know enough, and you are never satisfied that you do. You ought to be making your two thousand a year, but you don’t care. That’s just it! Living, burying yourself here with a lot of old frumps. You will never do anything. You could have everything and you let it slip.”

“Oh, my life is very full,” she said. “There are only two things that are absolute realities, love and knowledge, and you can’t escape them.”

She had thrown her cigarette end away and was looking into the fire, smiling.

“I’ve let these rooms to a woman friend of mine.” She glanced round the room, smiling. “She doesn’t know I’m going to leave these things here for her. She’ll like them because they were mine. The world’s very beautiful, I think—delicious.”

“Oh, yes. But what do you do with it? What do you make of it? You ought to settle down and marry like other women, not go wandering about the world to India and China and Italy, and God knows where. You are simply making a mess of your life. You’re always surrounding yourself with all sorts of extraordinary people. If I hear any man or woman is a great friend of yours, I always say: ‘What’s the matter? Lost his money? Lost his character? Got an incurable disease?’ I believe the only way in which anyone becomes interesting to you is by having some complaint of mind or body. I believe you worship rags. To come and shut yourself up in a place like this away from everybody and everything! It’s a mistake; it’s idiotic, you know.”

“I’m very happy,” she said. “You see,” she said, leaning forwards towards the fire with her hands on her knees, “what matters is that something should need you. It isn’t a question of love. What’s the use of being near a thing if other people could serve it as well as you can. If they could serve it better, it’s pure selfishness. It’s the need of one thing for another that makes the organic bond of union. You love mountains and horses, but they don’t need you; so what’s the use of saying anything about it! I suppose the most absolutely delicious thing in life is to feel a thing needs you, and to give at the moment it needs. Things that don’t need you, you must love from a distance.”

“Oh, but a woman like you ought to marry, ought to have children. You go squandering yourself on every old beggar or forlorn female or escaped criminal you meet; it may be very nice for them, but it’s a mistake from your point of view.”

He touched the ash gently with the tip of his little finger and let it fall.

“I intend to marry. It’s a curious thing,” he said, resuming his pose with an elbow on one knee and his head bent forward on one side, so that she saw the brown hair with its close curls a little tinged with grey at the sides, “that when a man reaches a certain age he wants to marry. He doesn’t fall in love; it’s not that he definitely plans anything; but he has a feeling that he ought to have a home and a wife and children. I suppose it is the same kind of feeling that makes a bird build nests at certain times of the year. It’s not love; it’s something else. When I was a young man I used to despise men for getting married; wondered what they did it for; they had everything to lose and nothing to gain. But when a man gets to be six-and-thirty his feeling changes. It’s not love, passion, he wants; it’s a home; it’s a wife and children. He may have a house and servants; it isn’t the same thing. I should have thought a woman would have felt it too.”

She was quiet for a minute, holding a cigarette between her fingers; then she said slowly:

“Yes, at times a woman has a curious longing to have a child, especially when she gets near to thirty or over it. It’s something distinct from love for any definite person. But it’s a thing one has to get over. For a woman, marriage is much more serious than for a man. She might pass her life without meeting a man whom she could possibly love, and, if she met him, it might not be right or possible. Marriage has become very complex now it has become so largely intellectual. Won’t you have another?”

She held out the case to him. “You can light it from mine.” She bent forward for him to light it.

“You are a man who ought to marry. You’ve no absorbing mental work with which the woman would interfere; it would complete you.” She sat back, smoking serenely.

“Yes,” he said, “but life is too busy; I never find time to look for one, and I haven’t a fancy for the pink-and-white prettiness so common and that some men like so. I need something else. If I am to have a wife I shall have to go to America to look for one.”

“Yes, an American would suit you best.”

“Yes,” he said, “I don’t want a woman to look after; she must be self-sustaining and she mustn’t bore you. You know what I mean. Life is too full of cares to have a helpless child added to them.”

“Yes,” she said, standing up and leaning with her elbow against the fireplace. “The kind of woman you want would be young and strong; she need not be excessively beautiful, but she must be attractive; she must have energy, but not too strongly marked an individuality; she must be largely neutral; she need not give you too passionate or too deep a devotion, but she must second you in a thoroughly rational manner. She must have the same aims and tastes that you have. No woman has the right to marry a man if she has to bend herself out of shape for him. She might wish to, but she could never be to him with all her passionate endeavour what the other woman could be to him without trying. Character will dominate over all and will come out at last.”

She looked down into the fire.

“When you marry you mustn’t marry a woman who flatters you too much. It is always a sign of falseness somewhere. If a woman absolutely loves you as herself, she will criticise and understand you as herself. Two people who are to live through life together must be able to look into each other’s eyes and speak the truth. That helps one through life. You would find many such women in America,” she said: “women who would help you to succeed, who would not drag you down.”

“Yes, that’s my idea. But how am I to obtain the ideal woman?”

“Go and look for her. Go to America instead of Scotland this year. It is perfectly right. A man has a right to look for what he needs. With a woman it is different. That’s one of the radical differences between men and women.”

She looked downwards into the fire.

“It’s a law of her nature and of sex relationship.’ There’s nothing arbitrary or conventional about it any more than there is in her having to bear her child while the male does not. Intellectually we may both be alike. I suppose if fifty men and fifty women had to solve a mathematical problem, they would all do it in the same way; the more abstract and intellectual, the more alike we are. The nearer you approach to the personal and sexual, the more different we are. If I were to represent men’s and women’s natures,” she said, “by a diagram, I would take two circular discs; the right side of each I should paint bright red; then I would shade the red away till in a spot on the left edge it became blue in the one and green in the other. That spot represents sex, and the nearer you come to it, the more the two discs differ in colour. Well then, if you turn them so that the red sides touch, they seem to be exactly alike, but if you turn them so that the green and blue paint form their point of contact, they will seem to be entirely unlike. That’s why you notice the brutal, sensual men invariably believe women are entirely different from men, another species of creature; and very cultured, intellectual men sometimes believe we are exactly alike. You see, sex love in its substance may be the same in both of us; in the form of its expression it must differ. It is not man’s fault; it is nature’s. If a man loves a woman, he has a right to try to make her love him because he can do it openly, directly, without bending. There need be no subtlety, no indirectness. With a woman it’s not so; she can take no love that is not laid openly, simply, at her feet. Nature ordains that she should never show what she feels; the woman who had told a man she loved him would have put between them a barrier once and for ever that could not be crossed; and if she subtly drew him towards her, using the woman’s means—silence, finesse, the dropped handkerchief, the surprise visit, the gentle assertion she had not thought to see him when she had come a long way to meet him, then she would be damned; she would hold the love, but she would have desecrated it by subtlety; it would have no value. Therefore she must always go with her arms folded sexually; only the love which lays itself down at her feet and implores of her to accept it is love she can ever rightly take up. That is the true difference between a man and a woman. You may seek for love because you can do it openly; we cannot because we must do it subtly. A woman should always walk with her arms folded. Of course friendship is different. You are on a perfect equality with man then; you can ask him to come and see you as I asked you. That’s the beauty of the intellect and intellectual life to a woman, that she drops her shackles a little; and that is why she shrinks from sex so. If she were dying perhaps, or doing something equal to death, she might …. Death means so much more to a woman than a man; when you knew you were dying, to look round on the world and feel the bond of sex that has broken and crushed you all your life gone, nothing but the human left, no woman any more, to meet everything on perfectly even ground. There’s no reason why you shouldn’t go to America and look for a wife perfectly deliberately. You will have to tell no lies. Look till you find a woman that you absolutely love, that you have not the smallest doubt suits you apart from love, and then ask her to marry you. You must have children; the life of an old childless man is very sad.”

“Yes, I should like to have children. I often feel now, what is it all for, this work, this striving, and no one to leave it to? It’s a blank, suppose I succeed …?”

“Suppose you get your title?”

“Yes; what is it all worth to me if I’ve no one to leave it to? That’s my feeling. It’s really very strange to be sitting and talking like this to you. But you are so different from other women. If all women were like you, all your theories of the equality of men and women would work. You’re the only woman with whom I never realise that she is a woman.”

“Yes,” she said.

She stood looking down into the fire.

“How long will you stay in India?”

“Oh, I’m not coming back.”

“Not coming back! That’s impossible. You will be breaking the hearts of half the people here if you don’t. I never knew a woman who had such power of entrapping men’s hearts as you have in spite of that philosophy of yours. I don’t know,” he smiled, “that I should not have fallen into the snare myself—three years ago I almost thought I should—if you hadn’t always attacked me so incontinently and persistently on all and every point and on each and every occasion. A man doesn’t like pain. A succession of slaps damps him. But it doesn’t seem to have that effect on other men …. There was that fellow down in the country when I was there last year, perfectly ridiculous. You know his name…” He moved his fingers to try and remember it—“big, yellow moustache, a major, gone to the east coast of Africa now; the ladies unearthed it that he was always carrying about a photograph of yours in his pocket; and he used to take out little scraps of things you printed and show them to people mysteriously. He almost had a duel with a man one night after dinner because he mentioned you; he seemed to think there was something incongruous between your name and—”

“I do not like to talk of any man who has loved me,” she said. “However small and poor his nature may be, he has given me his best. There is nothing ridiculous in love. I think a woman should feel that all the love men have given her which she has not been able to return is a kind of crown set up above her which she is always trying to grow tall enough to wear. I can’t bear to think that all the love that has been given me has been wasted on something unworthy of it. Men have been very beautiful and greatly honoured me. I am grateful to them. If a man tells you he loves you,” she said, looking into the fire, “with his breast uncovered before you for you to strike him if you will, the least you can do is to put out your hand and cover it up from other people’s eyes. If I were a deer,” she said, “and a stag got hurt following me, even though I could not have him for a companion, I would stand still and scrape the sand with my foot over the place where his blood had fallen; the rest of the herd should never know he had been hurt there following me. I would cover the blood up, if I were a deer,” she said, and then she was silent.

Presently she sat down in her chair and said, with her hand before her: “Yet, you know, I have not the ordinary feeling about love. I think the one who is loved confers the benefit on the one who loves, it’s been so great and beautiful that it should be loved. I think the man should be grateful to the woman or the woman to the man whom they have been able to love, whether they have been loved back or whether circumstances have divided them or not.” She stroked her knee softly with her hand.

“Well, really, I must go now.” He pulled out his watch. “It’s so fascinating sitting here talking that I could stay all night, but I’ve still two engagements.” He rose; she rose also and stood before him looking up at him for a moment.

“How well you look! I think you have found the secret of perpetual youth. You don’t look a day older than when I first saw you just four years ago. You always look as if you were on fire and being burnt up, but you never are, you know.”

He looked down at her with a kind of amused face as one does at an interesting child or a big Newfoundland dog.

“When shall we see you back?”

“Oh, not at all!”

“Not at all! Oh, we must have you back; you belong here, you know. You’ll get tired of your Buddhist and come back to us.”

“You didn’t mind my asking you to come and say good-bye?” she said in a childish manner unlike her determinateness when she discussed anything impersonal. “I wanted to say good-bye to everyone. If one hasn’t said good-bye one feels restless and feels one would have to come back. If one has said good-bye to all one’s friends, then one knows it is all ended.”

“Oh, this isn’t a final farewell! You must come in ten years’ time and we’ll compare notes—you about your Buddhist Priest, I about my fair ideal American; and we’ll see who succeeded best.”

She laughed.

“I shall always see your movements chronicled in the newspapers, so we shall not be quite sundered; and you will hear of me perhaps.”

“Yes, I hope you will be very successful.”

She was looking at him, with her eyes wide open, from head to foot. He turned to the chair where his coat hung.

“Can’t I help you put it on?”

“Oh, no, thank you.”

He put it on.

“Button the throat,” she said, “the room is warm.”

He turned to her in his great-coat and with his gloves. They were standing near the door.

“Well, good-bye. I hope you will have a very pleasant time.”

He stood looking down upon her, wrapped in his great-coat.

She put up one hand a little in the air. “I want to ask you something,” she said quickly.

“Well, what is it?”

“Will you please kiss me?”

For a moment he looked down at her, then he bent over her.

In after years he could never tell certainly, but he always thought she put up her hand and rested it on the crown of his head, with a curious soft caress, something like a mother’s touch when her child is asleep and she does not want to wake it. Then he looked round, and she was gone. The door had closed noiselessly. For a moment he stood motionless, then he walked to the fireplace and looked down into the fender at a little cigarette end lying there, then he walked quickly back to the door and opened it. The stairs were in darkness and silence. He rang the bell violently. The old woman came up. He asked her where the lady was. She said she had gone out, she had a cab waiting. He asked when she would be back. The old woman said, “Not at all”; she had left. He asked where she had gone. The woman said she did not know; she had left orders that all her letters should be kept for six or eight months till she wrote and sent her address. He asked whether she had no idea where he might find her. The woman said no. He walked up to a space in the wall where a picture had hung and stood staring at it as though the picture were still hanging there. He drew his mouth as though he were emitting a long whistle, but no sound came. He gave the old woman ten shillings and went downstairs.

That was eight years ago.

How beautiful life must have been to it that it looks so young still!

Inquiry into Cape Town’s 1st Recorded Duck-stabbing Incident (1674) … in’t doden van de eendt gaande op vrije straat van Swart Anth:[oni]o van Bengale

by Mansell G. Upham ©  

The Cape of Good Hope free-black Anthonij Jansz: van Bengale purchases (4 September 1671) 100 sheep, a garden (stuk tuingrond) higher up in Table Valley and an erf (with a house) in Zee Straat from the free-burgher Jacob Cornelisz: Rosendael (from Woerden, South Holland).[1]

This purchase is highly significant.  This is the 1st time ever that a free-black or mardijcker purchases property at the Cape. 

In terms of the contract Rosendael sells to Anthonij, described as a free-black and likewise burgher of this place (vrije swart insgelijx borger alhier) – a house and erf together with 100 sheep and a garden in Table Valley.  For all this, he is to pay f 100 and register a debenture for f 2 900.[2] 

The former landed property is situated at the end of the Zee Straat [Strand Street].  The property is bordered on the north by wasteland at the tail of the Lion Mountain. On the eastern side is the seashore. To the south, the property borders the erf of the free-burgher Giacomo Jacolini. Also found as Jacques Jacquelijn / Jacquelini, he is a shoemaker from Venice. Maaij Ansela van Bengale and Anthonij van Japan and their families both live diagonally opposite on either side of Jacolini. With him is his knecht Barent Hendricx: Backer (from Lingen) who later marries Lijsbeth Roelofsz: (from Bommel [Den Bommel, Goeree-Overflakkee, South Holland]). The western border consists of undeveloped erven towards the Company’s horse stable.

The other piece of land, a garden, is also in Table Valley and is situated behind the mill in the vicinity of the Company’s horse stable bordering the garden of Wouter Cornelisz: Mostaert (from Utrecht) and his wife Hester Weyers: Klim (from Lier). 

The debenture is duly registered. Anthonij undertakes to pay Rosendael in two payments. The 1st payment of f 1 200 is be paid when the 2nd return fleet from Batavia (1672) has left the roadstead in Table Bay.  The 2nd payment of f 1 700 is be paid the following year when the return fleet from Batavia lays for 14 days in the roadstead.[3] 

Anthonij, however, is unable to meet his obligations in terms of paying for the properties he had purchase from Rosendael.  Böeseken informs us that, unable to pay his debts owing to Rosendael, Anthonij requests an extension [sic] until 31 May 1673. She adds that possibly Rosendael grows tired of waiting for his money and withdraws the grant. She states, incorrectly, that there is no evidence of this in the records. Documentary evidence does exist, however. Enforcing his hypothec, the Council of Justice accedes to Rosendael’s request on that same day (31 May 1673) to have his property restored.[4]  Clearly Anthonij is found to be incapable of raising the necessary monies owing to Rosendael.[5] Rosendael is not only notoriously litigious, but always quick to draw his knife.

Duck-stabbing Incident

Eviction follows and the family has to squat on empty land in Tweede Bergdwars Straat – also known later as Venus Street [present-day St George’s Mall][6]. Their new neighbours are Joachim / Jochem / Jochum Ringel (from Amsterdam), his wife Annetje Remmers: Groenewoud and three children. They come to the Cape (1675).

Groote Catrijn and her family gain notoriety in (1674) when suing their new neighbour’s son, Dirck Ringel for the death of their duck observed going along a public road (in’t doden van de eendt gaande op vrije straat van Swart Anth:[oni]o van Bengale). Is it Christoffel Snijman and Petronella who run to their mother Groote Catrijn to report that they had witnessed their duck waddling down the street with a knife in its back?[7]  This is confirmed in the sworn declaration of the chief witness, the trumpeter Adriaen Tatixen / Taticksen made at the request of the fiscal (1 August 1674).

About six weeks earlier he is visiting the house of the free-black Anthonij.  Some kids come running inside calling him to come look at a duck with a knife in its back walking outside the door of the house.

Outside he sees Dirck Ringel, son of Jochum Ringel, standing by the duck with a knife in his hand. The knife is dripping with blood.  Groote Catrijn, who also runs out, now confronts Dirck wanting to know why he has stabbed the duck.  The duck always bothers him when he is cleaning fish, is the reply.  He had not intended to stab the duck (om dat d’eend de visschen die hij doenmaels schoon maekte quamen oplieten, ende het niet al willens hadde gedaan). The chief witness then hears Groote Catrijn confront the boy’s mother informing her that she is most unhappy about what has happened.  She also demands compensation for the loss of the duck.

Annatje Remmers: Grownewoud, however, refuses responding caustically: “Nothing stops you from smearing the duck with butter [and eating it] so what’s there to give back?” (dat men d’eent maer met wat boter soude smeeren zullende daeroft niets te lever sonder meer). Groote Catrijn’s neighbour is no push over.  She is on record (1679) for exasperating her other neighbour Hans Jurgen Grimp to the point that he assaults her.[8] 

She meets her match, however. 

An ever-litigious Groote Catrijn – no stranger to the Council of Justice, is not prepared to be so easily dismissed by her neighbour.  The Council of Justice agrees with her husband.  Not only has Ringel (his parents?) to compensate the family for the loss of their duck and for the costs of the court case, but Dirck also has to labour for one month in the public works.[9] 

Dirck Ringel joins the Company five years later and goes to Batavia (1679) with the fleet of Commissioner Dirck Blom.[10]

Notwithstanding the duck incident, the occupied land is finally granted (12 February 1675) to Anthonij by the outgoing Commander Goske.[11]  Anthonij is again granted (1 June 1676) on loan (in leen) another garden by Goske’s successor, Joan Bax van Herentals.[12]  This time the authorities step in to bail him out.

Now Groote Catrijn and her husband are as economically dependent as the rest of the free-black population at the Cape.

Their house borders on the property of the mason Pieter Walrand(t): / Wolbrandt(s): / Wolbrant / Wollebrants: / Wo(o)llebrantsz: [Plott] (from Middelburg), the property of Jochem Ringel and that of the enterprising Widow Barentsz:.  She is Jannetje Ferdinandus (from Courtrai / Kortrijk) who soon marries – after a cause célèbre in which she is accused of adultery and refuses or declines a church wedding – her 3rd husband Hans Jurgen Grimp (from Gehrden, Brunswick).

Anthonij`s garden borders on the property of Jan Jansz: van Eeden (from the Duchy of Oldenborg) and Louis van Bengale. Their neighbour Plott, disgraced, leaves for Batavia (1677) his wife Lijsbeth Jans: and children.  Governor Bax describes him as being “an indolent man … who, besides, is not free from suspicion of being an idler and abettor of many thieves and rogues”.[13]  

Pieter Walrand(t): / Wolbrandt(s): / Wolbrant / Wollebrants: / Wo(o)llebrantsz: [Plott] (from Middelburg) as senior surgeon (opperchirurgyn) neglects his patients,  smuggles alcohol and is banished (June-August 1670) to Robben Island for 3 years[14] For his drunken behaviour and neglecting work after having his salary increased by Commissioner Mattheus van den Brou(c)ke to f 40 per month, he is banished to Robben Island for 10 years.  After repeated requests, his sentence is commuted (8 August 1670) to banishment to Mauritius.[15].  He re-appears as free-burgher and mason on the mainland (1673) and as neighbour to Groote Catrijn van Paliacatta and Anthonij Jansz: van Bengale.


[1] CA: CTD 5, pp. 64 & 647 (T 116 & T 173 4 September 1671); Anna J. Böeseken, Slaves & Free Blacks at the Cape 1658-1700, pp. 64-66 & 67-69; J. Leon Hattingh, ‘Grondbesit in die Tafelvallei. Deel I, Die eksperiment. Grondbesit van Vryswartes’, Kronos, 10 (1985), p. 43; J. Leon Hattingh, ‘Kaapse Notariële Stukke II’, p. 16. 

[2] CA: CTD 5, p. 64 (T 116 & T 173) 4 September 1671: “Jacob Cornelissen Rosendael, burger en vry ingesetene, verkoop aan Anthonij van Bengale, vrijeswart insgelijx borger alhier, ‘n huis en erf geleë volgens die erfbrief van 21 Oktober 1666 aan die einde van Zeestraat, noordwaarts [daarvan] is die woeste land van die stert van Leeuwenbergh, ooswarts die seekant, suidwaarts aan die erf van die vryburger Jacques Jaecquelijn en weswaarts aan die nog onbeboude erwe na die Kompanjie se perdestal; saam met 100 skape en ‘n ander stukkie grond in Tafelvallei, volgens die erfbrief van 4 Oktober 1667 in die omgewing van die Kompanjie se perdestal aan die tuin van Wouter Mostaert, alles vir f 100 en ‘n skuldbrief vir f 2 900”.

[3] CA: CTD 5, p. 647 (4.9.1671): “Skuldbrief van Anthonij van Bengale, vryswart en inwoner, ten gunste van Jacob Cornelisz: Rosendael vir die bedrag van f 2 900 weens die koop van 100 skape, sekere huise en erwe geleë in Tafelvallei op die hoek van Zeestraat na die stert van Leeuwenbergh en nog ‘n stukkie tuinland geleë agter die meule in die omgewing van die Kompanjie se perdestal aan die huis van Wouter Mostert volgens die erfbriewe van 4 en 21 Oktober 1666 en 1667 respektiewelik. Hy beloof om Rosendael in twee paaiemente te betaal, die eerste f 1 200 wanneer die tweede besending skepe uit Batavia in 1672 die rede verlaat het, die tweede f 1 700 die volgende jaar wanneer die eerste retoervloot van Batavia 14 dae voor die rede lê.”

[4] Mercurij [Thursday] 31 May A[nno] 1673: Jacob Rosendael borger alhier v[ersu]s Anthonie van Bengale vrije swart … Den Raadt gehoort R:a doende regt, adjudiciert d’eijs:[che]r zijn eijsch in questie, en verclaert denselven geregtigt, om zijn hijpothecq te rexindicieren, immetecht hem overzulx in de colcomen possessie van zijn vercogt. CA: CJ 1, vol. II (1668-1673), p. 826.

[5] Anna J. Böeseken’s misreading of the situation originates from her loose trancription of the original deed of sale – see J. Leon Hattingh, ‘A.J. Böeseken se Addendum van Kaapse Salwe-Verkooptransaksies: Foute en Regstelleings’, Kronos, vol. 9 (1984), p. 8, where he states:  “Op bladsy 129 van die addendum, onder die datum 4.9.1671, gee Böeseken te kenne dat die vryswart Anthonij van Bengale van Jacob Cornelis Rosendael die aansienlike bedrag van 2 900 gulde geleen het maar vermeld nie waarvoor die lening gemaak is nie.  Die sleutel hiervoor lê opgesluit in die voorafgaande drie bladsye van die betrokke bundel, te wete pp. 64-66. Dit behels die verkoopakte waarmee Rosendael sy huis en erf te Zeestraat (Strandstraat vandag) in Tafelvallei (soos Kaapstad destyds bekend gestaan het) asook 100 skape en ‘n stuk tuinland elders aan Anthonij van Bengale verkoop het. Anthonij het onmiddelik 100 gulde in kontant betaal en toe ‘n skuldbrief (wat Böeseken as ‘n verkoopakte verstrek) vir die oorblywende 2 900 gulde eteken. Hierdie is die vroegste grondtransaksie waarmee ‘n vryswart grond aan die Kaap deur aankoop bekom het en as sodanig is dit dus ‘n uiters belangrike dokument wat Böeseken verswyg en vermink voorhou.”

[6] CA: MI 1/5.

 [7] CA: CJ 2, Civil Case: Anthonij van Bengale contra Dirck Ringel, 1 August 1674, p. 9.  See Donald Moodie’s summary in The Record, p. 384: “[1674] Aug. 1. Dirck Ringel, son of a burger:  condemned at the suit of the Fiscal, to one’s month’s labour, and to pay for the injury done, in maliciously killing a duck, the property of a free black”.

[8] He was convicted (25 January 1679).

[9]in’t doden van de eendt gaande op vrije straet van vrije swart Antho:[ni]e van Bengale [CA: CTD 6, p. 159 (1 August 1674)]:  “Adriaan Tatixen [Adriaen Taticksen], trompetter, verklaar op versoek van die fiskaal, dat hy ongeveer [ses deurgehaal] weke gelede, zijnde ten huijse van de vrijswart Anthonij van Bengalen, op die geroep van enige kinders dat daar ‘n eend met ‘n mes in sy rug buite die deur van die huis loop, gaan kyk het.  Buite het hy Dirck Ringel, seun van Jochum Ringel by die eend gesien staan met die bebloede mes in die hand, wat toe deur die vrou van gemelde Anthoni aangespreek is oor waarom hy dit gedoen het.  Die seun het geantwoord om dat d’eend de visschen die hij doenmaels schoon maekte quamen oplieten, ende het nit al willens adde gedaan.  Daarop hoor hy dat Anthoni se vrou teenoor die moeder van Dirck sê dat sy daarmee nie te vrede is nie en daarvoor betaling begeer, die egter wiere en sê dat men d’eent maer met wat boter soude smeeren zullende daeroft niets te lever sonder meer”[J. Leon Hattingh, ‘Grondbesit van Vryswartes’, p. 22].

[10] CA: C 330: Attestatiën, 1679-1682, pp. 170-1; A.J. Böeseken Resolusies van die Politieke Raad, vol.  3, p. 14.

[11] Anna J. Böeseken, Slaves & Free Blacks, pp. 93-94; J. Leon Hattingh, ‘Grondbesit van Vryswartes’, p. 45.

[12] J. Leon Hattingh, ‘Grondbesit van Vryswartes’, p. 42.

[13] Letter:  Bax to the Heeren XVII (14 March 1677) in Donald Moodie, The Record, p. 348.

[14] Anna J. Böeseken, Uit die Raad van Justisie, 1652-1672, pp. 291-319] – but information conflicts with CA: C6, PP. 24-65 – TANAP http://databases.tanap.net/cgh/.

[15] CA: CJ l: Criminele en Civiele Regts Rolle, 1652-1673, p. 256 verso – 257 verso, p. 277 recto – 283 recto, p. 293 recto.

The Fall of Eva Meerhoff, born Krotoa of the Goringhaicona (c. 1643-1674)

by Mansell G. Upham ©

The Fall of Eva Meerhoff, born Krotoa of the Goringhaicona (c. 1643-1674)

Krotoa (c. 1643-1674) – Cape aboriginal woman of the Goringhaicona clan born on Robben Island.  Reared by the first Dutch commander Jan van Riebeeck and utilised by the Dutch as interpreter, envoy, trader, guide, cultural broker, mediator, agent and informant.  The Cape of Good Hope’s first indigene to be baptised (3 May 1662 as Eva) and to marry (2 June 1664) according to Christian rites.  Wife of the VOC’s surgeon and superintendent of Robben Island, the Copenhagen-born Pieter Meerhoff (killed 1667/8 at Antongil Bay, Madagascar while on a trading expedition).  As widow, falls into disgrace with the Dutch authorities who disapprove of her drinking, sexual and native habits.  Detained and banished without trial to Robben Island.  Dies there (29 July 1674) aged 31 years.  Her remains are later removed from the demolished church at the Castle and buried in the foundations of the Dutch Reformed Groote Kerk in Adderley Street, Cape Town.  Her known progeny form a substantial proportion of the people classified “white” under the apartheid regime.

… een manifest exempel verthoonende dat de natuer, hoe nauw en vast deselve ook door ingeprente reden werd gemuylbant, nochtans tiijner tijt boven alle leeringen seegenpralende tot haer aengeboren eigenschappen wederom uytspat.

At the time of the extraordinary ‘confiscation’ (24 January 1669) of an unnamed Hottentot infant redubbed Florida by the colonizing Dutch, the widow Eva Meerhoff is accused of being a drunk, “playing the beast at night” and reverting to her native habits.

A mere fifteen days after Florida’s ‘confiscation’, a new Church Council is elected (8 February 1669).  The Council consists of the following men: the resident minister Adriaen de Voogd, as elders (ouderlingen) Johannes Coon[1] and Herman Ernst: Gresnicht[2] (the last named replacing Elbert Dircx: Diemer) and the two deacons Adriaen Wils and Gerrit van der Bijl (replacing Jan Reijniersz:[3] and Gresnicht)

Immediately thereafter, the Council resolves at its very first sitting to confiscate her three Eurafrican children.  Thereafter Eva is reprimanded, but informed differently:  if she does not change her ways, only then will her children be taken away from her.  She flees.

Does she already know about the resolution to confiscate her children? 

More importantly; Eva, almost certainly witnesses personally Florida’s ‘confiscation’.  If not, she would undoubtedly be fully up-dated about Florida’s abduction.  Again amongst her own kind, would she not also be outraged by Dutch violation of her people’s customs?

That evening the Widow Meerhoff’s house (the old pottery, then a make-shift abode) is sealed and her children confiscated. 

They are immediately placed in the temporary care of the outgoing deacon of the church, Jan Reijniersz:, and his wife, Lijsbeth Jans:.  This couple are considered to be “people of an honest and godly character”.  They also have first-hand knowledge of dealing with the local indigenes.  Jan Reyniersz:, a notorious cattle and sheep rustler, had even once strung up the Goringhaiqua paramount chief Gogosoa, alias the ‘Fat Captain’ and held him hostage (October 1658).[4]

In terms of the pre-emptive resolution, the Meerhoff children are to be placed (as from 1 March 1669) in the care of Hendrik Reynsz: (from Dirksland, Goeree-Overflakkee, Zuid-Holland) and Barbara Geems: (from Amsterdam) who are already safeguarding the ‘rescued’ Florida.[5] Thus, all four Dutch Hottentots are to be confined to one family. 

At the same time the fiscal Cornelis de Cretzer[6] is instructed to find Eva and arrest her:[7]

“In the evening the three children [Jacobus, Pieternella and Salomon] begotten by the late Junior Surgeon Pieter van Meerhoff out of the female Hottentoo Eva, appear in the hall, naked and destitute, the eldest [Jacobus Meerhoff] sending in word that his mother, being quite drunk, had with all her household things and bedding gone to the Hottentoos, and that in their home (which had been prepared and finely furnished for her in the house at the old pottery) she had left nothing behind in the shape of food, clothing or otherwise. This afternoon in consequence of her excessive drunkenness, and her shameful behaviour in the hall and at the dinner table of the Commander, she had been severely reprimanded, and advised to lead a better and more civilized life, and abandon her adulterous and shameful conduct. Associating as she did with all sorts of men especially at night time, if she did not amend, her children would be taken away from her, and she herself banished on an Island. Now having heard in the evening of her running away and at the same time seeing these poor children standing there so destitute, and bearing in mind that a short time previously the church council had decided to remove the children from this drunken swine, we decided to look out for a respectable burgher who would be prepared to receive them gratis in board and clothing, and before it was quite dark, they were entrusted to the freeman Jan Reyniersz:, deacon of the church, who, (with his wife [Lijsbeth Jans:]) were people of an honest and godly character. The house was at the same time properly secured.

The Church Council had also in its meeting, selected the names of two members of the Congregation, to be submitted to us, that we might choose one of the office of Elder. The retiring deacon Harman Ernest von Gresnich was appointed to the office, and of the other names, submitted in the same manner, Adriaan Wils, and Gerrit van der Byl were chosen to serve as deacons.

Two days after the confiscation of Eva’s children (10 February 1669), Eva is arrested and thrown into the donker gat (‘black hole’ – the dungeon of the Fort de Goede Hoop) after an abortive attempt to rescue her children the night before.  The same day as the decision by the church to seal Florida’s fate with Barbara Geems: (1 March 1669), Eva’s children are put into the care of this same woman.[8] 

The Journal (10 February 1669) recounts the events as follows:[9]

“Fine weather. In the afternoon a beautiful and edifying sermon was preached by the minister on board the ship Zierikzee. The same afternoon, Eva, who, since she had run away and abandoned her children, did nothing else here and elsewhere than lead a life of debauchery, playing the beast at night with one or another, caused such a noise and commotion outside in the neighbourhood that some complaints were brought against her, whilst one person was nearly killed in consequence. He had fortunately parried the blow with his left arm, and so escaped. But in order to prevent such irregularities, and all accidents that might result from them, the Fiscal [Cornelis de Cretser] received orders in the evening to take some soldiers with him and hunt up that Hottentoo pig in order to place in custody in the Fort. After an absence of about half and hour, he returned with that fine lady and locked her up, reporting that he had found her drunk again at the entrance to the downs among the Hottentoos, with a little pipe in the mouth. Having asked her what reason she had to abandon her children and take her bedding with her, he was mocked and derided by her; and further what she had done with her feather bed? She replied that she had sold it for a piece of tobacco, and spent all her money on drink so that she had nothing left except a small bundle of children’s clothing and her own which she had hid in a little bush, and was ready to sell. This the Fiscal took away from her and brought to the Fort for the use of the children.”

Their mother, the Widow Meerhoff, is finally banished – without trial – to Robben Island (26 March 1669):[10]

“Our little yacht De Bruydegom proceeds to Robben Island to fetch thence some Dutch slaughter wethers for the ships on the roadstead. She takes with her to the Island the Hottentoo woman Eva, who has now for some time already been sitting in the hole (prison) in consequence of her godless life.

Her arrival is confirmed in a letter from the superintendent of Robben Island Jan Zachariasz::[11]

“By the Bruydegom Thomas Hendrikse and Gabriel Teunissen arrived here, being banished hither, tho one for two and the other for one year. Also the female Hottentoo Eva … PS— I send you 10 wethers, and await your orders regarding the rations to be given to Mrs. Eva.”

The Widow Meerhoff returns to the mainland intermittently from time to time – and gives birth to two illegitimate sons Jeronimus and Anthonij each of whom she has baptised on the mainland[12] – until her untimely death (29 July 1674).[13] 

“How changeable this African climate is, is almost incredible. The West wind which had by its violence caused a boisterous sea, and during the last two days had threatened everything with destruction, had to-day gone down completely, followed by such calm weather that not the slightest motion could be observed in the air, whilst the bay was as smooth and bright as a mirror. This day departed this life, a certain female Hottentoo, named Eva, long ago taken from the African brood in her tender childhood by the Hon: van Riebeeck, and educated in his house as well as brought to the knowledge of the Christian faith, and being thus transformed from a female Hottentoo almost into a Netherland woman, teas married to a certain Chief Surgeon of this Residency [Peter Meerhoff (from Copenhagen, Denmark)], by whom she had three children still living [Jacobus, Pieternella and Salomon], and some others which had died. Since his death however at Madagascar, she had brought forth as many illegitimate ones, and for the rest, led such an irregular life, that for a long while the desire would have existed of getting rid of her, had it not been for the hope of the conversion of this brutal aboriginal, which was always still hovering between. Hence in order not to be accused of tolerating her adulterous and debauched life, she had at various times been relegated to Robben Island, where, though she could obtain no drink, she abandoned herself to immorality. Pretended reformation induced the Authorities many times to call her back to the Cape, but as soon as the returned, she, like the dogs, always returned to her own vomit, so that finally she quenched the fire of her sensuality by death (door de lijdelycke doot], affording a manifest example that nature, however closely and firmly muzzled by imprinted principles, nevertheless at its own time triumphing over all precepts, again rushes back to its inborn qualifies.”

… een manifest exempel verthoonende dat de natuer, hoe nauw en vast deselve ook door ingeprente reden werd gemuylbant, nochtans tiijner tijt boven alle leeringen seegenpralende tot haer aengeboren eigenschappen wederom uytspat.

The Widow Meerhoff is buried the following day at Church of new Castle of Good Hope:[14]

“The body of the deceased Hottentoo, Eva, was, notwithstanding her unchristian life, buried today according to Christian usage in the church of the new Castle.”

Her remains are later exhumed (with others) after demolition of the Castle’s wooden church and re-interred under the foundations of the present-day Dutch Reformed Groote Kerk, Adderley Street, Cape Town (sometime after 15 December 1677).[15]

Barbertje Geems – both whore and whoremonger

een knap en handigh vrouwtje, en daar toe seer bequaam[16]

Is Barbara Geems: the nurse, referred to by De Grevenbroek[17], who had been hired to care for Florida immediately after the infant’s confiscation?  Considering that her daughter, Sara Jacobs: van Rosendael – later the wife of Adriaen Willemsz: van Brakel, alias Baes Arrie[18] who becomes ouderling (1671), is later appointed as official vroedvrouw (midwife), the likelihood exists that she learns her vocation from her mother.  The personal circumstances of Barbara Geems:, however, are not so good.  Impoverished and living off the proceeds of her bakery and also liquor sales, she and her husband are more than willing to take in the ‘abandoned’ Meerhoff orphans at the same time as Florida in exchange for payment for services rendered. 

Barbara Geems is a known hoer (whore) and pol (whoremonger).  Her nocturnal activities are exposed at the trial of the Company’s tamboer (drummer) Hendrik Coerts: / Courtsz: (from Deventer).[19]  Her husband is considered to be one of the two laziest free-burghers in the colony.  Pleading poverty, he rejoins the Company and is removed to work at the VOC’s post at Mauritius (1666).  His wife and family, however, remain at the Cape.  In his absence, his wife runs a brothel.  He returns (1669) but permission is quickly given for him to go to Batavia.  He leaves (1670).  Once again his family remains behind at the Cape.  He never returns.

 The decision by the Church Council, no doubt with the blessing of the colony’s most influential women, comes as a surprise (or perhaps not) – especially in the case of the Meerhoff children.   Had Florida survived, would she too be made available for prostitution?  From the trial of Hendrik Coerts: / Courtsz: we know that when Barbara Geems: herself is in no position to satisfy regularly his sexual needs, she makes her female slave available to him.

As for the Meerhoff children, at least the two youngest, Pieternella Meerhoff and Salomon Meerhoff are shipped off (1677) to Mauritius as wards (servants?) to Theuntje Bartholomeus: van der Linde and her husband, Bartholomeus (Bart / Bartel) Borns (from Woerden). 

The eldest, Jacobus Meerhoff, a free spirit in touch with his native side and prone to wander, is later sent to join his sister in Mauritius.  Unwanted and unmourned, he dies mysteriously on the voyage back to the Cape.[20]  It is not known who looks after Eva Meerhoff’s two illegitimate sons, Jeronimus and Anthonij, after her death (1674).  Does Barbara Geems: also take them in?  Significantly, the Church Council and the authorities do not ever concern itself with these children. 

The records are silent. 

Only Anthonij appears to reach adulthood and is recorded (1712) alone and without a family as Anthonij Meerhoff.  In all probability, he dies prematurely (1713), a victim of the smallpox epidemic.

Paragons of Virtue, Upholders of Dutch Civilisation

During this time the Cape’s commander is the immensely unpopular, and purportedly sickly and generally indisposed, Jacob Borghorst.  He is installed (18 June 1668).  He had already stopped over at the Cape (1 March 1665-22 April 1665) en route from the Indies to the Netherlands.  The resolutions by the Council of Policy during his time as commander, reveal a skeleton staff of sorts when contrasted with the membership and attendance of councils chaired by his predecessors and successors. 

Furthermore, there is even disarray in the Burgher Council as the heemraad Thielman Hendricksz: (from Utrecht) is dismissed (6 August 1669) from his position for giving the Council of Justice a piece of his mind.  The removal of Thielman Hendriksz: from office undoubtedly jeopardises whatever little favourable treatment Eva Meerhoff and her children might have got from the Dutch.  François Valentijn (1666-1727) writes later of Borghorst’s unpopularity:[21]

“The Heeren Wagenaar and Van Quaalbergen had indeed left good instructions and set good examples to Heer Borchorst as regards the artisans; but on his own authority, and without the knowledge of the Council he had so altered these, that he made them work by day and stand at night, by which he had made himself so hated by them that scarce any wished to remain here longer, and also during his rule he had caused very great discontent among the civil population, so that it was full time for him to depart …”.

Even the local aborigines dislike Borghorst intensely.  This is confirmed by the visiting VOC official Arnout van Overbeke (1632-1674)[22].  Calling Borghorst the only monster that he can find at the Cape, Van Overbeke states further:[23]

All his quarrelsomeness came from the fact that Quaelbergen[24] was still so beloved that no one was very willing to have anything to do with him.  Even the Hottentots, who each year give a free-will present to the Commandeur, were fed up with him:  “What sort of a Captain is that?” they said, “always Sieckum!” (that is to say sick, bad, grumpy, ugly – everything that is no good is sieckum, thus bad tobacco is “sieckum Tabak,” etc.); and that made our friend mad.  He wants to get by force what in reality can be had only by affection.  For that matter, he punishes himself every evening with a few glasses of spirits which one of those in his confidence brings him under cover …

The man in Borghorst’s confidence is Hendrik Crudop[25], then butler or steward (hofmeester) to the commander.  Crudop’s meteoric rise within the ranks of the administration parallel – at least in terms of success – those of the wealthy and highly respectable Elbert Diemer whose career also starts out as butler and personal attendant to the commander.  Crudop’s presence at the Cape requires careful monitoring as he plays an instrumental, personal and destructive part in the initial colonial undoing of the aboriginal Khoe / San Crudop’s wife, Catharina de Voogd, significantly, is sister to the resident minister, Adriaan de Voogd[26].  How else do we explain the extraordinary intervention on the part of the Church Council – almost always subordinate to the VOC’s administration – and the inaction on the part of both the Council of Policy and the Council of Justice?

A Masterpiece of Nature …

“Authors are to be blam’d for their Wantonness and Precipitations in the Characters they have drawn of the Hottentots, whose Minds and Manners, tho’ wretched enough, are not so wretched as they have made ’em …” – Peter Kolbe (1731)

Florida’s and Eva’s stories become a source of literary legend in terms of colonial travel-writings on the primitive, the ‘other’ and the exotic.  The incident, no matter how blurred or rehashed and now almost forgotten, became nevertheless one of the cornerstones whereby the Khoe / San peoples became occidentally (universally?) maligned and well-nigh dehumanised in perpetuity.  It is surely opportune and imperative that the intertwined stories of Florida and Eva Meerhoff now be re-evaluated.  At the time, the moral outrage is so great that the Dutch authorities ‘resolve’ the matter by dumping these children, these Hottentot misfits, with the colony’s most notorious whore and whoremonger.  Is this a cop out done on the pretext of inducing moral self-upliftment on the part of Barbara Geems:Barbara Geems:, it must be remembered, is allowed to indenture Florida on condition that she bring up the girl as a Christian.  Midwife, privileged tavern-keeper, storekeeper, baker and purveyor of bread to the garrison, Barbara Geems’s meteoric rise to respectability thereafter begs further and closer scrutiny.

We have been left with one final, equally enduring, gracious and ironic, contemporary portrayal of Eva Meerhoff during the time of her fall from grace. 

When the royal Danish ship Oldenborg stops over (26 November 1672) at the Cape of Good Hope, on board is Hans Petersen Kertminde aka Jan Pietersz: Cortemünde.  Amsterdam-born but of Danish parentage, he is author of the delightful Orientalische Reijse des Königlichen Schiffs Oldenborg which original manuscript is now in Det Kongelige Bibliotek [The Royal Library] in Copenhagen, Denmark. 

He disembarks (29 November 1672) on Robben Island and recounts his meeting with the banished Eva Meerhoff:[27]

In the house of the local commander [ie the commander of Robben Island, Danish-born Christian von Aalborg] we also met a Hottentot woman [Eva] who had been born in Africa of pagan, bestial parents, but had been brought up in the Cape by a Dutch woman, so that compared with her own countrymen she now appeared to be a masterpiece of nature. She had embraced Christianity, spoke fluent Dutch, English, French and Portuguese and was conversant with the Holy Scriptures so that she was able to discuss everything with our pastor to our very great astonishment. She was much better proportioned than is generally the case with her compatriots. In short, she was most commendable being capable and well trained in all womanly crafts and married to one of the physicians serving in the Company. After the death of her husband, the noble Company allotted her 9 rixdollars monthly for her maintenance, for so long as she would remain a widow and stay virtuous. But when, after the death of her husband, she became pregnant out of wedlock and her “fountain” dried up[28]  she was punished by being kept here in a kind of custodyquasi in arrest zu sitzen   … for a certain time.


[1] Lieutenant Johannes (Joan / Johan) Coon / Coonen / Coone / Coons: / Koon (from Sommelsdijk, Zuid-Holland) in the Netherlands; prior to transfer to the Cape, serves already 8 years in the Indies; succeeds Pieter Evraerts: van Cruijssaert; arrives at the Cape with his wife Alexandrine / Alexandrina (Sandrina) Jacobs: Maxvelt / Maxwell – better known as Juffrouw Coonon board Walcheren [Anna J. Böeseken, Wagenaer’s Journal, p. 153; this Journal entry has been overlooked by Margaret Cairns in her article, ‘Alexandrina Maxwell: Juffrouw Coon, her second marriage’, Familia, pp. 54-56]; she witnesses (25 April 1666) baptism of Elisabeth Louisa (daughter of Joannes de Nyssen and Catharina Herbert, who are returning to the Fatherland); she witnesses (7 November 1666) – with Leendert de Klerck, Joan van As (from Brussels, Brabant) and Maryke Tielemans: [Maijcke Hendricks: van den Berg (from Diest, Brabant) – the baptism of Anna (daughter of Matthijs Coeijmans (from Herentals) and Catharijn de Klerck): den November een dochter van Matthys Koymans en Cathrijn [sic] syn huysvrouw wiert genaemt Anna de getuygen waren Leendert de Klerck, Joan van As, Juff.[rouw] Coon en Mayke Tielemans:; she appears (1676) as a Cape congregation member  listed as Sandrina Jacobs:, huisvrouw van Joannes Coon [ CA: VC 603: (Lidmaatregister)];  his death at St Helena (3 February 1673) is referred to in a Despatch(10 May 1673) [CA: C 496, Deel II, p. 576];  she  marries (2ndly) at Cape (29 September 1679) Louis / Lodewyck Francois B(o)ureau (from Brussels), locally known as Lodewyk Francen, a nickname which he greatly deplores according to Hendrik van Reede tot Drakenstein in his Journaal van Zijn Verblijf aan de Kaap; born (c. 1649), he is the son of Carel Burouw, an advocate in Brussels; after military service in Europe, he joins the VOC serving at Cape as soldier, clerk and finally victualler in which position of trust he falls foul of the law; charged with theft he is dismissed from service for life and deported to Netherlands; his deportation order, however, is initially not carried out and he becomes a free-burgher at Cape; Commissioner Van Rheede appears to refuse to condone laxity of his former protectors Ryklof van Goens the Elder and Ryklof van Goens the Younger. Alexandrina Maxvel appears alone in Muster Roll (1682).  Juffrou Koon witnesses (29 August 1683) the baptisms of Jacob (son of her mesties slave Maria Lossee / Lozee [daughter of Maria van Angola]) and Lysbet (daughter of her mesties slave Anna Pieters: [van Batavia]); she appears (1684) as Alexandrina Buro and she appears (1685) with Lodewyk Breureau as Alexandrina Maxwal; it is not known whether she accompanies her 2nd husband once he is finally deported.  She appears to have no children.

[2] Harmen Ernst Gransicht / Gresnigt / Gresnicht / Gressens (from Utrecht (son of Hilletjen Teunis:) – baeshovenier (Company gardener), superintendent of Slave Lodge and burgher ensign, husband to IJtje / IJtjen Hendriks: (from Naerden, Het Gooi region of Noord-Holland).

[3] Jan Reijniers(z): / Reijnierssen / Reyniers(z):  (from Amsterdam) – arrives (16 August 1653) as bosschieter on the Ph(o)enix – with junior merchant brother Jacob Reijniersz: [which brother soon marries (2 November 1653) Jan van Riebeeck`s niece and ward Elisabeth (Lijsbeth) van Opdorp (from Charloos [Charlois, Rotterdam]) who arrives (6 April 1652) on Drommedaris and which couple soon leave (24 January 1654)  the Cape for Batavia on the Vrede]; one of the 1st free-burghers; elected burgher councillor (1658); Commissioner Ryckloff van Goens to the Heeren XVII (16 April 1657) reports the following about Jan Reijnierse: “Last night two more burghers were granted their freedom.  They are the first who have accepted your condition of 20 years.  The one is named Jan Reijnierse.  His wife lives in Amsterdam, and his sister is named Stynt Reijnierse who is, as he says, in the service of Burgomaster de Graaff.  He prays that his wife Lysbet Jansen, cloth napster in the Koningstraat may be sent over with her niece.  These two persons [the other appears to be Wouter Cornelisz: Mostert (from Utrecht)] have each received ten roods in breadth more than the others, because in accordance with your intentions they have set an example to those that follow.  The Company’s cows, which he knows how to manage very well, we have transferred to Reijniersz:; because the gardener has sufficient to do without them. [Report: Commissioner Ryckloff van Goens to the Heeren XVII in Session at Middelburgh (16 April 1657), H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Letters & Documents Received 1649-1662, Part II, p. 334]; his wife Lijsbeth / Luysken / Lysbeth Jans(z:) (from Amsterdam) – [Not to be confused with Lijsbeth Jansz: who is the wife of Jan Jansz: [van Eeden] van Oldenborg] arrives (17 November 1658) with (and 1 child on voyage) – flute Harp brings (17 November 1658) 5 women and their children [Letter from Amsterdam, 2 September 1658]: “Passage granted to the daughter of the wife of Herwerden and other women who have been ordered out”. [Letter (10 October 1658)] – these women (and children) are:

  • Petronella Does & Johannes van Harwaerden [children of Johanna Boddijs, wife to Herwerden]
  • Neeltje Arens:
  • Mayken Hendricx: van den Bergh & daughter Catharina Theuns:
  • Jannetje Ferdinandus:
  • Lijsbeth Jans: & 1 child (her niece) –  [Johanna (Jannetie / Jannetje) Gerards: / Gerrids: / Gerrits: (from Amsterdam) – stammoeder of Bezuidenhout family and future wife to (1stly) Wijnand(t) / Wynant Leender(t)sz: from Besuyenhouten / den Haagh ‘t Bezuydenhouwt and (2ndly) Cornelisz Stevensz: Botma (from Wageningen, Gelderland)];

Jan Reyniersz: and other free-burghers hang (October 1658) Gogosoa by the neck from a beam their unmannerly treatment of the Natives (vide LD 4 May 1661), p. 192]; Jan Reyniersz: experiences serious financial loss (1659) following the death of a female slave, the escape of two other slaves and having his house ransacked by aborigines; as one of the many accosted attempted stowaways from the Cape, he declares (2 March 1660) that this year’s return crews cried out on the ways, the jetty and near the Fort, “Get into the boat, who wants to join?” &c., using much infamous language against this place; and that even a quarter-master of Het Wapen van Holland , which carried the admiral, had been guilty of such irregularities [H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Letters Despatched from the Cape, 1652-1662, Attestations, p. 437]; 22 March 1660: [Van Riebeeck’s Journal, vol. III, pp. 191-192]: “It has been growing more and more apparent how little one can rely on some people.  The Company’s Schapenjacht is thus in great danger of being deserted by her crew some time or other, since some of them were amongst the stowaways on the return fleet which left recently.  It could be easily have happened that the quarter-master of the Schapenjacht could have gone on board one of the ships and made off, leaving the boat drifting on the open sea.  To prevent such a loss and so as to have a reliable man aboard her, it has been decided to appoint the free burgher, Jan Reijnierssen of Amsterdam, as quartermaster in command of the Schapenjacht.  He is a married man and as things are not going well with him, he has asked that he may be given this employment and also that he be employed as sail-maker, all for the same wage of 18 guilders which he used to receive before he became a free-burgher.  Here follows the deed of appointment: Jan Reijnierssen of Amsterdam landed here from the ship Vogel Phenicx on 16 August 1653 as arquebusier, receiving a wage of 11 guilders.  Afterwards, when his term had expired, he was promoted to sail-maker at 18 guilders a month.  Since 14 April 1657 he has earned his living here as a freeman and in the meantime he had his wife brought out from the Fatherland.  As a result of the war with the Hottentots and the robberies committed by them, he has been ruined and is now destitute.  As we are short of suitable men, we hereby reappoint him as sail-maker in the Company’s service, at his own request and also because of his capability.  So that we may have a steady and reliable man on the Company’s vessel, he is appointed as quartermaster in command of the Schapenjacht, on the understanding that for the combined duties he shall receive his former pay of 18 guilders a month.  This shall take effect from primo April next and he shall continue to serve the Company for 5 years in the said dual capacity of sail-maker and quartermaster of the vessel named, unless he decides in the meantime to apply for his freedom again, in which case it may be granted him”; Hendrik Boom sues (26 July 1664) Jan Reijniersz: – water dispute – Reijneirsz: must ensure that Boom must receive the water to which he is entitled [CA: CJ 1, p. 238]; Jan Reijneirsz: and Matthijs Coeijmans / Cooymans (from Herentals) convicted for theft (27 May 1666) – remanded until evidence is obtained; Lysbeth Jans:(with husband Jan Reyniers:), witnesses (26 December 1666) baptism of Catarina van den Bergh’s daughter Jannitje; she is briefly foster mother to the confiscated Meerhoff children before handing them over to Barbara Geems: / Geens:; Gijsbert Dircksen / Dircx: Verveij / Verweij  (from Oijeck) [? Cuijk (near Mill) in Gelderland]) sues (12 June 1670) Jan Reijniersz: for debt; Jan Reijniersz: arraigned for using insulting language before the Council of Justice and made to apologise (2 July 1670) fining him 8 reals of 8 plus costs; transfer (5 February 1671) of erf belonging to Reynierse to Hans Ras; (from Angeln, Slesvig) Jan Reyniersz: requests (1672) to leave the Cape.

[4] VOC Journal, Cape of Good Hope (18 Jan 1660) and Letter Despatched:  Jan van Riebeeck to Heren XVII (4 May 1661).

[5] … den 8 Febr.[uarie] [1669] is resolveert der 3 kinderen [Jacobus, Pieternella and Salomon Meerhoff] van Pieter van Meerhof [sic] [(from Copenhagen in Denmark)] rato den weduwe [Krotoa of the Goringaicona baptised Eva] om haer godtloos en ongebonden leven te ontnemen en door de Diaconio op te voeden, zijn den 1 Maert besluit ten huys van Hendrick Reynsz: vryman alhier voor de som .van 250 gl Indiesche valuatie in’t jaer – [1669] …

[6] Cornelis de Cretser / Cretzer (1637-1677) (from Culemborg, Gelderland) – son of Cornelis de Cretser and Adriana Breeckevelt;  baptized Culemborg, Gelderland (24 November 1637); witnesses (1671) baptism at the Cape of Good Hope [Anno 1671] Den 22 Mart Een dochterje van Mr: Jan Hol en Jacomyntje Backers: syn huysvr[ouw] wiert genaamt Geertuyda tot getuyge stonden Cornelis de Cretser en Anna de Vooght;  promising career of Cornelis de Cretser, Secunde at the Cape, abruptly ends (evening of  10 April 1671) with arrival of flute Wimmenium ex Batavia under command of skipper Adriaen Drom and junior skipper Isaacq Fonteyn who are received at De Cretzer’s place during which time a quarrel breaks out between Drom and Fonteyn. Despite admonitions by De Cretzer that Drom should refrain from fighting in his house, Drom eventually draws his dagger and wounds an intervening De Cretzer instead of Fonteyn.  A seething and bleeding De Cretzer is taken to an adjoining room to dress his wound.  When the bleeding worsens an infuriated De Cretzer grabs a dagger and fatally stabs Drom.   Consteration ensues, the Castle gate is locked, yet De Cretzer flees but cannot be found despite search parties sent out to arrest him. With the help of locals, he is helped onto a ship returning to Patria and he again applies (1673) to the Here XVII to be accepted back into VOC service. The Here XVII allow him to return on condition that “… zich bij de competente rechter aldaar (de Raad van Justitie) voor zijn gedragingen kon rehabiliteren”.  De Cretzer departs (30 April 1674) on the Stermeer ex Texel but his ship is taken by Barbary pirates and he is taken as captive to Algeria. In a letter (18 September 1675) the Here XVII confirm that De Cretser is still a captive in Algeria.  Hy dies there according to a letter (11 May 1677) from the Amsterdam Chamber; he is captured (1674) by pirates and enslaved (18 September 1675) – In een brief van 18 September 1675 melden Heren XVII dat De Cretser nog te Algiers vertoeft. Hij is er overleden, meldt tenslotte een brief van de Kamer Amsterdam van 11 Mei 1677, zonder een preciese datum te noemen); he dies (1677) in Algeria in captivity [Gerrit J. Schutte, (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam) ‘Zomaar een VOC-dienaar: de carriere van Cornelis de Cretser’, Historia (Historical Association of South Africa, 26 September 2021).

[7] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Wagenaer’s Journal (8 February 1669), p. 266-267.

[8] den 8 Febr.[uarie] [1669] is resolveert der 3 kinderen van Pieter van Meerhof rat[i]o den weduwe om haer godtloos en ongebonden leven te ontnemen en door de Diaconio op te voeden, zijn den 1 Maert besluit ten huys van Hendrick Reynsz: vryman alhier voor de som .van 250 gl Indiesche valuatie in’t jaer [CA: DRC: G1/1 & G1/2: Kaapstad Notule 1665-1724, p. 96].

[9] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Wagenaer’s Journal (10 February 1669), pp. 267-268.

[10] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Wagenaer’s Journal (26 March 1669), p. 270.

[11] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Wagenaer’s Journal (29 March 1669), p. 271. Jan Sacharias: / Zachariasz: (from Amsterdam) – husband to freed private slave Maria van Bengale  (previously owned by Company gardener (later fee-burgher) Hendrik Boom and subsequently by sick-comforter Pieter van der Stael, brother-in-law to 1st VOC Cape Commander Jan van Riebeeck); as widower, he and 2 Cape-born daughters Maria Jans: sister Hester Jans: later go to Mauritius.  Maria marries (4 December 1672) on De Pijl en route to Mauritius Jacob Jansz: de Nijs (from Amsterdam) quartermaster (speisemeister) – their son Jan de Nijs returns to the Cape after the Dutch abandon their colony on Mauritius leaving descendants in South Africa.  Hester marries on Mauritius free-burgher Gerrit Jansz: (from Ewijk) – accused of adultery and committing fornication with their slave, she is arrested and sent to Cape, put on trial and sentenced (14 September 1691) to 5 years hard labour in chains at public works with muster rolls listing her future (but later estranged) husband as neighbour or housemate to the freed Cape-born Company slave Armozijn the elder (1690 & 1695).

[12] Jeronimus Meerhoff  is baptised (23 November 1670) and Anthonij Meerhoff is baptised Cape (6 August 1673).

[13] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Journal 1671, etc. (29 July 1674), p. 209.

[14] H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Journal, 1671, etc. (30 July 1674), p. 209.

[15] “The little wooden church inside the fortress was now quite full of graves. The ground on which it stood was higher than the general surface, and it was considered advisable to level it and to remove the old building. It was necessary to select a site for a new church. It was resolved to take a portion of the lower end of the great garden for this purpose, as the garden could be extended with advantage towards the mountain. A plot of ground sufficiently large for a cemetery was enclosed with a strong wall, and on 9th of April 1678 the foundation stone of the new church was laid in the centre of it. That stone still rests under the church, the present building being only an enlargement of the original one, the end walls of which were left standing … The church was not completed until December 1703, but the ground was used as a cemetery. The first interment was the body of the Rev. Petrus Hulsenaar, clergyman of the Cape, who died on the 15th of December, 1677, and was buried in the middle of the site on which the church was afterwards to stand. Subsequently the remains of those who had been buried in the old church were removed to this ground and deposited in a common grave” [George McCall Theal: Chronicles of Cape Commanders, pp. 209-10].

[16] Resolution of the Council of Policy (4 & 5 March 1670).

[17] J.G. Grevenbroek, An elegant and accurate account of The African Race Living Round The Cape of Good Hope commonly called Hottentots (1695) [vide I. Schapera, The Early Cape Hottentots, pp. 181 & 183].  Born (1644).  Sails (June 1684) to the Cape.  Secretary of the Council of Policy (October 1684).  Accompanies (1684) Ryklof van Goens to Batavia returning to the Cape (1686).  Free-burgher at the Cape (June 1694).  Signs will (3 February 1714) while living at his farm Welmoed near Eerste Rivier, Stellenbosch.  Dies (ante 1726).

[18] Baes Adriaen (Arie / Arije) Willemsz van Bra(a)(c)kel (from Den Bosch / ‘s Hertogenbosch, North Brabant) Company master carpenter (baes timmerman); later free-burgher; 2 March 1671: Lijsbeth van de Caep [Lisjbeth Sanders:voordogter of Anna van Guinea] (aged 12), sold by Matthijs Coeijman for f 160; 10 March 1676: Isak Caste van Malabar sold by Marthinus van Banchem to baas timmerman Arije van Brakel for Rds 40; 24 May 1687: Matthijs van Java (aged 27 / 28) sold to Louis van Bengale for Rds 35; 1688 owns 2 slave men and 1 slave woman; marries Cape 28 May 1670 Sara Jacobs: van Rosendael (from Amsterdam, North Holland), daughter of Jacob Huibrechtsz: / Huybertsz: Rosendael (from Leyden, South Holland), widower of NN, and Barbara / Barbera (Barbertje) Ge(e)ms / Geens / Goens (from Amsterdam, North Holland); step-daughter of Hendrik Reynste / Rynsen [Gulicks] (from Dircxlant); children: (1) Willem van Brakel (baptised Cape 12 April 1671); (2) Elisabeth van Brakel (baptised Cape 12 March 1673) (dies in infancy); (3) Elisabeth van Brakel (baptised Cape 13 May 1674) marries (1stly) 25 July 1700 Hans Jürgen Grimpen (from Gehrden, Brunswick), widow of Jannetje Ferdinandus (from Coutrai, Flandres), wid. Barend Hendricks: (from Leeuwen, Friesland) and widow Joris / Jurgen Jansz: Appel (from Amsterdam, North Holland); marries (2ndly) 7 June 1703 Adam Tas (from Amsterdam, North Holland); (4) Jacobus van Brakel (baptised Cape 12 April 1676) (dies in infancy); (5) Maria van Brakel (baptised Cape 30 May 1677) marries  (1stly)  Jacobus Louw son of Jan Pietersz: Louw aka Broertje (from Marne in the Dithmarsh) and Beatrix Weijmans: (from Amsterdam, North Holland) and marries (2ndly) Jan Valk (from Zevenhuizen, South Holland), wid. Josina Mos – farmer Elsenburg; (6) Jacobus van Brakel (baptised Cape 19 May 1679) (dies in infancy); (7) Jacobus van Brakel (baptised 8 January 1681) – banished marries 22 January 1702 Margeretha Elbers (daughter of Aletta ter Mollen / Vermeulen (from Schüttorf, Lower Saxony); (8) Hermanus van Brakel (baptised 13 December 1682) (dies in infancy); (9) Hermanus van Brakel (baptised 2 January 1684) (dies in infancy); (10) Magtelt van Brakel (baptised 25 February 1685); (11) Hermanus van Brakel (baptised 30 June 1668) marries 1 April 1708 Geertruida van der Bijl; (12) Leendert van Brakel (baptised 5 October 1687); (13) Barbara van Brakel (1688-1713) (baptised 14 November 1688) dies 1713 (smallpox epidemic?) – marries 29 December 1709 Johannes Kraay / Cray / Craa (from Dresden) – he marries (2ndly) 21 October 1714 Aletta van Wyk; (14) Magtelt van Brakel (baptised 31 December 1690).   

[19] Cape Archives (CA): CJ 1, p. 326 (4 August 1666); C 2394, p. 418 / 25 / 137 (Attestation: Hendrick Barentsz: van Leewarden and Hans Coenraet Veugelein, 23 August 1666).

[20] 3 October 1686:  VOC Commander on Mauritius, Isaacq Johannes Lamotius, informs VOC Cape Commander (later Governor) Simon van der Stel that the Eurafrican, prone-to-walkabout, eldest son of the banished-without-trial, Robben Island-relegated Cape aborigine, Eva Meerhoff born Krotoa, the Eurafrican:  Jacobus Meerhoff (1661-1687) – eventually sent to Mauritius (October 1685) to join his sister Pieternella Meerhoff (1663-1713) – is to be sent back to the Cape following innumerable complaints (“menigvuldige Klagten”) by Jacobus Meerhoff’s brother-in-law, Daniel Zaijman / Zaayman (from Vlissingen, Zeeland), concerning Meerhoff’s “quaat comportement en wederhoornheijt” and “aangesien hij nergens toe nut en van seer kwaden wandel verlies” … Jacobus Meerhoff, however, mysteriously dies during the voyage back to the Cape.  Lamotius is VOC commander of Mauritius (1677-1692) during which time his wife and baby daughter perish in a fire. Accused (1692) of despotism, he is finally banished for 6 years to a remote island in the East Indies returning thereafter to Patria via the Cape (1718).

[21] François Valentijn, Description of the Cape with matters concerning it, vol. II, pp. 192-193.

[22] Magister Arnout van Overbe(e)ke (1632-1674) – VOC’s Honourable Councillor of Justice, poet and diarist, returning to the Netherlands as admiral on the Return Fleet from Batavia (now Jakarta, Java, Indonesia), appointed commissioner to inspect the VOC’s administration at Caput Bonae Spei (‘Cape of Good Hope’); sailing on Tidoor, arrives (25 March 1672) and departs (23 April 1672); at his instigation 1st treaty formally purchasing the Cape District from the indigenous Khoe (‘Hottentots’), is signed (19 April 1672); he had stopped over at  Cape as chief merchant (July 1668) arriving on the Zuijt Polsbroek of Amsterdam and leaving again (6 August 1668) meeting new commander Jacob Borghorst whom he describes in his writings Alle de Rymverken … (Amsterdam, 1699 – 1st edition 1672), as being sieckum (ie ‘bad’) in agreement with local Cape indigenes and is joined by the outgoing, disgraced and recalled commander, Cornelis van Quaelbergen and his family, who accompany him to Batavia. Writer and poet in the style of Tengnagel and Focquenbroch: Anecdota sive historiae jocosae (1672-1674) and travel journal Geestige en vermaecklycke reijs beschrijving naar Oost-Indiën (1668) and poetry anthology Geestige wercken (1678); When back in The Hague becomes member of Rederikerskamer; he dies at Amsterdam (16 July 1674).  

[23] Major R. Raven-Hart, Cape Good Hope, p. 109.

[24] Cornelis van Quaelberg(en) / Quaalberg (1623-1687)  – 3rd VOC Cape of Good Hope commander (27 February 1666-18 June 1668); born (Amsterdam) 1623; 1639: assistent (klerk) aboard Maria de Medici to Batavia; 1644: onderkoopman Dutch Indies – Coromandel Coast; 1647: koopman Dutch Indies – Coromandel Coast; 1650-1652: opperkoopman Dutch Indies – Coromandel Coast; 1655: 1st wife deceased; 1652-1657: opperhoof Masulipatnam; 1657: accused of private trade and summoned to Patria; 1 April 1658: admiral of return fleet stopping at Cape; Return Fleet arrives (1 April 1658) at the Cape under command of Cornelis van Quaelbergen (later 3rd Cape commander): Princess Royal, Ulysses, ‘t Hoff van Zeelandt and N. Enckhuijsen – on board is Domingo / Dominicus d’Moor van Bengale / Batavia – arrives at Cape ex Batavia as exiled convict (sent to Robben Island 17 July 1658) … Hiernevens gaet eenen Domingo van Batavia gewesen soldaet die op 28 Augustij verleden bij den Achtb:[aere]Raet van Justitie gedoemd is om g’arquebuseert te warden ende bij ons van de doot gepardonneert om den tijt sijns levens op ’t Robben Eijlant gebannen te blijven. [H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope: Letters and Documents Received, Part 2, pp. 58-59]; Journal mentions (1 April 165) letter from XVII (9 October 1657), ordering ships to sail homewards north-about; 1666: rejoins VOC; 1666: 3rd VOC commander (27 February 1666-18 June 1668) at Cape of Good Hope; 28 September 1666 [p. 56]: Zacharias Wagenaer gives erf to Anthonij van Bengale [sic – van Japan] – situated between property of Thomas Christoffel Muller and Jan Marten de Wacht 30 September1666, [vol. III p. 106]: Zacharias Wagenaer frees his Japanschen lijffeijgen gen[aam]t. Anthonij and wife Annica van Bengale after 10 years of faithful service. Anthonij pays Rds. 60 for his liberty and that of his family; 30 September 1666 [vol. III, p. 108]:  Mathijs, Paulo and Catharijn sold by Maria de Buquoij to Cornelis van Quaelbergen for Rds. 250; 30 September 1666 [vol. III, pp. 109-110]: Willem van Bengale, sold by Zacharias Wagenaer to Rev. Joannes de Voocht for Rds. 90 or 1180; 21 October 1666, [vol. III, pp. 64-66]: Anthonij van Bengale, vrije swart insgelijcx borger alhier, given [sic – granted to Jacob Cornelissen Rosendael thereafter purchased 4 September 1671] property in the Zeestraat between Jacques Jacqueline and vacant land near the stables [T 116] at the end of the Zee Straat [Strand Street] and bordered on north by wasteland at the tail of the Lion Mountain; on eastern side is the seashore; to the south, property borders erf of free-burgher and shoemaker Giacomo Jacolini aka Jacques Jacquelijn / Jacquelini (from Venice). Maaij Ansela and Anthonij van Japan and their families both live diagonally opposite on either side of Jacolini. With him is his knecht Barent Hendricx: Backer (from Lingen) who later marries Lijsbeth Roelofsz: (from Den Bommel, Goeree-Overflakkee, South Holland). The western border consists of undeveloped erven towards the Company’s horse stable. The other piece of land, a garden, is also in Table Valley and situated behind the mill in the vicinity of the Company’s horse stable bordering the garden of Wouter Cornelisz: Mostaert (from Utrecht) and his wife Hester Weyers: Klim (from Lier); 26 August 1666: arrives Cape with 2nd wife annd family on Dordrecht; 1666: Communicanten … Den heer commandeur Cornelius Quaelbergen, Judith van den Boogaert sijn huysv:[rouw] vertrocken met att:estatie;  27 September 1666: installed as 3rd Cape commander (1666-1668); 3 January 1667: Jan Vos van Cape Verde, sold by Pieter [sic – Barthlomeus] Borns to Pieter van Meerhoff [vol. III, p. 119]; 8 January 1667: Anthony van Japan and Annica van Bengale borrows money (f 200) from Commander Cornelis van Quaelbergen – should they not be able to pay him back on the due date, they must enter his service until amount is settled. A note in the margin stated that the debt is paid (2 February 1668) [vol. III, p. 120]; 25 February 1667: Angela van Bengale given an erf in Table Valley by Cornelis van Quaelbergen, bordering to the north on the Heerestraat and on the east on the property of Wouter Cornelis: Mostaert [vol. III, p. 168]; 13 April 1667: 2nd wife Judith van den Bogaerde visits Hottentots; 1 October 1667: visits Cochoqua; 9 October 1667: den 9 Octob:[er][1667]  een soontje van S[ieu]r. Adrianus de Vooght en Anna van den Meer syn h[uys]v;[rouw] wiert genaemt Petrus de getuyge waren juffr.[ouw] Judith van den Bogaerde h[uys]v:rouw] van den E.[dele] heer Command:[eur] Cornelis van Quaelbergen en de Luytenant Abraham Schut; 16 October 1667: den 16 Oct:[ober][1667] een soontje van S[ieu]r. Victor en Styntje van de Bergh wiert genaemt Cornelis; tot getuygen stonden de E.[dele] H.[eer] Command:[e]r Cornelis van Quaelbergen en Judith van den Bogaerde syn resp.[ecteerde] huysv.[rouw]; 13 November 1667: baptism of Adriaentje Gabriels: dito [den 13 Nov:[ember][1667]] een slavinne kint van den E.[dele] H.[eer] Comman:[deur] Quaelbergen, wiert genaemt Adriaentje [later known as Adriaantje Gabriels:. – recorded as step-daughter of Kees de Boer [Cornelis Claesz: (from Utrecht)] who marries (1stly) 9 July 1683 Pieter Gabriel Boshouwer and marries (2ndly) 12 February 1701 Coert Helm] de moeder Cathrijn [Catharina van Malabar] who marries (1stly) free-burgher Cornelis Claesz: (from Utrecht) alias Kees de Boer and marries (2ndly Andries Voermeester] tot getuygen stont in persoon van de Juffr.[ouw] Quaelbergen haer slaevinnen; 20 December 1667: 2nd wife Judith van den Bogaerde visits Hottentots; 29 March 1668: … den 29 Maert: een dochtercke van Pieter Klincken Bergh [sic] zal:[iger] en Anna van Romswinckel syn huysvr.[ouw] wiert genaemt Petronella tot getuygen stonden Abr:[aham] Schut van den E.[dele] H.[eer] A. Friesius en Judith van den Boogaerde Huysvr.[ouw] van den E.[dele] H.[eer] Com:[mandeur] Cornelis van Quaelbergen; June 1668:  sells following slaves to Commander Jacob Borghorst for f 1 680:  Claes [Claes Gerritsz: van Bengale], Mat[t]hijs, Anthonij [Anthonij Jansz: de Later van Bengale], Andries [van Bengale] [branded for stealing sheep in 1666], Jeronimus van de Cust Coromandel:, Titus (Tita) van Bengale (male slave), een Maleijer gen[aam]t. Barru – Note: all sold by Borghorst to Company (March 1670); 18 June 1668: Hendrik Lacus (from Wesel)suspended – familiarity with French – dismissed and summoned to Batavia; 11 August 1668: leaves with family Cape on Polsbroeck [Do Wid. Wachtendorp and Lt. Schut also leave?][Note:  Overbeek’s comments about popularity ]; 22 November 1669: schepen (alderman), ouderling, and vice-chairman of Orphan Chamber at Batavia; 1671: resident Ternate; 20 July 1672: put in command of Dutch fleet defeating  joint French-English fleet; 1 September 1676: governor of Banda; 15 October 1680: governor of Malacca; 4 April 1684: Raad Extraordinaire Batavia; 1684-1687: Raad-ordinaris, or member Hoë Raad van Indië; 29 September 1684: Raad- extraordinaris van Indië; 3 February 1687: dies Batavia [P. van Dam, Beschrijvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, vol. II, deel 2, p.144]; marries (1stly) Margaretha de With / de Witt (dies 1655) daughter of former commander of Coromandel Jacob Fransz: de Witt (1603-1653) and Susanna van Wateringhe; granddaughter of Frans Jacobsz: de Witt (dies 1610) and Margaretha Wynandsdr: Rutgers; great-granddaughter of Jacob Fransz: (1548-1621) and Elizabeth Andriesdr: Heyman; great-great-granddaughter of Frans Cornelisz: de Witt (1515-1565) and Liduwit du Bevere; great-great-great-granddaughter of Cornelis / Kornelius de Witt (1485-1537) and Beatrix Pietersdr: van Slingeland; marries (2ndly) Judith van den Bogaerde [Anna J. Böeseken, Uit die Raad van Justisie, p. 190, n. 579 for a brief biography but note that she is unaware of Judith van den Bogaerde’s existence – also at the Cape]; children: (1) Anna van Quaelberg born Amsterdam (12 November 1659); (2) Catharina van Quaelberg born Amsterdam 8 June 166; dies Batavia; marries Cornelis Chastelijn (1657-1714), son of Antoine Chastelein (1613-1664) and Maria Cruydenier; brother to Geertruyd Chastelijn, wife of Pieter van Helsdingen who takes Maaij Claesje Jans: van Angola (1652-1732) – a Company slave at the Cape – with them to Batavia he has illegitimate children (Maria and Catharina) by Leonora van Bali [Jean Gelman Taylor, The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia (University of Wisconsin Press, Madison 1983), pp. 53-54] their son Anthonij Chastelein marries daughter of Mattheus de Haan (governor-general 1725-29); 24 February 1700:  Daniel van Bengale is sold on behalf of Cornelis Chastelijn (1657-1714) by Rijckus van Kerlik to Henning Hüsing for Rds. 52; 13 April 1700: Hannibal van Macassar is sold on behalf of Cornelis Chastelijn by Elbert Franszen to Jacob van Doornijk for Rds. 60; marries (3rdly) Batavia 10 March 1672 Henrietta Chatelain / Chastelijn / Chastelein / Chasteleyn / Castelein / Casteleijn (1646-1694) (from La Rochelle), daughter of  Hendrik Chatelain (dies Batavia 20 June 1656) and Magdalena de Moucheron (c. 1604-1662), maternal granddaughter of Francois Moucheron (1557-1610) and Sara Martin, widow of: Hendrik Schenkenberg van Mierop (1620-1671) born Deventer (9 January 1620); dies Malacca [Melaka]  29 June 1671; buried (30 June 1671) Paulus Kerk, Melaka – Grafsteen Hendrik Hendrik Schenkenberg, in syn leven Opper Coopman en Tweede Persoon der Stad en Fortresse Malacca overleden den 29en Juny 1671; 11 June 1688: Henriette [Henrietta] Chastelijn (1646-1694), 3rd wife and widow of Cornelis van Quaelberg manumits at Cape slave Agatha Sijmons: (aged 22 / 23 years); mother to: (1) Joan Daniel Schenkenberg (1664-1665); (2) Mattheus Schenkenberg(1667-1709) (3) Joan Daniel Schenkenberg (1670-1758); (4) Magdalena Adriana van Quaelberg (born 1674) marries Isaac van Schinne: issue: (a) Henrietta Anna van Schinne marries Jan Cornelis Rademacher (5) Johanna Maria van Quaelberg (born 1676).

[25] Hinrich Crudop (from Bremen) – born (c. 1646); son of Hinrich Krutop and Ilsabe Grothus; arrives (1667); hofmeester (1669); secretary of Council of Policy; cashier (1671); 1st president of Orphan Chamber (1674); director of Company’s store (1675); promoted to rank of merchant and appointed secunde (1676); acting Cape commander (29 June 1678 – 12 October 1679) after death of Governor Johan / Joan Bax van Herentals / Herenthals (‘s-Hertogenbosch 14 March 1637 – Cape Town 29 June 1678); transferred to Batavia (1680); dies Ambon 1691; marries at Cape (8 November 1671) Catharina de Vooght (from Amsterdam); sister to Cape’s resident minister Adriaen de Voogd; they have the following children: (1) Hendrik baptised (Cape 11 September 1672 – dies in infancy; (2) Hendrik baptised (Cape 1 September 1675); (3) Johan Adriaan baptised (Cape 7 May 1680) – remains at the Cape, enters Company’s service but goes to Batavia (1695) and still found in Muster Rolls there (1720).

[26] Adrianus de Vooght / de Voogd – son of Pieter de Voocht and Aeltje de Voocht; arrives (10 May 1667) on De Handelaer with sister Catharina de Vooght – wife to Hendrik Crudop; Abram van Angola [same person as Abraham van Guinea?] slave belonging to Company sold (17 April 1669) to Rev. Adrianus de Vooght; returns to Batavia in February 1674); marries Anna van der Meer  (from Valkoogh / Wieringen) also found as Anna Meranus  and Anna de Vooght, daughter of predicant  Arnoldus van der Meer and Aagje Jacobsz: van der Helm and sister to Magdalena van der Meer); she marries (2ndly) Cape 17 May 1676 Johannes Ravenbergh (from Haarlem); 1 son Petrus de Voogd [Resolusies van die Politieke Raad, vol. I, pp.  374-375 & 390-391; Dictionary of South African Biography (DSAB), vol. V, p.  194].

[27] Hans Kerteminde, Royal Library, Copenhagen: Manuscript NKS 388, 4to; Jan Pietersz: Cortemünde, Adventure at the Cape of Good Hope in December 1672 – transcribed and edited from the original manuscript in the Royal Library, Copenhagen by Henning Henningsen & translated and annotated with additional material by Douglas and Vera Varley) Cape Town (Friends of the S.A. Library) 1962, p. 4.

[28] Douglas and Vera Varley in a footnote (n. 3), explain this as “probably meaning that her menstruation had ceased”. This, however, is unlikely, and the explanation somewhat far-fetched.  It is clear from the context that ‘fountain’ refers to her liquidity in terms of the Company’s pension which was conditional to her remaining virtuous and subsequently terminated by the Company.

Hans Christoffel Snijman aka Snijder (from Heidelberg) – Conviction (20 July 1667)

by Mansell G. Upham © 

30 July 1667        

Hans Christoffel Snijman aka Snijder [Hans Christoph Schneider] (from Heidelberg) – while supposed to be on guard duty – sleeps with the banished-convict-now-Company slave Catharina (Groote Catrijn) van Paliacatta and is convicted and sentenced to a 2-year detention on Robben Island …

Regular nocturnal activity on the part of a distracted sentry inside the living quarters of the Fort’s washerwoman – the Company slave familiarly known to all as Groote Catrijn – results in the conviction (30 July 1667) of Hans Christoffel Snijman [Hans Christoff Schneider].  He is convicted for leaving his post as sentry to sleep at the living quarters of a certain known black ‘girl’ (te slapen sigh ten woonplaets van sekere bekende swarte meijt). His sentence entails flogging and banishment to Robben Island for 2 years with the forfeiture of 2 months salary to the fiscal (prosecuting officer). [Cape Archives (CA): CJ 1, no. 238 Case of Hans Christoffel Snijman (30 July 1667), pp. 366-368; CA: C 327, Attestatiën, p. 55]  His banishment on Robben Island is confirmed in the muster roll (1668) where he is listed as one of the convicts [… op’t Robben eylant gecommandeert als gebannen: Hans Christophel Snijman [CA: VC 39, vol. II (muster roll, 1668), p. 110]. He is not enumerated again in the muster (1669).  This is probably drawn up just after his 2-year term of banishment had been completed. 

CA: CJ 1, pp. 366-368

167

[366]

Cornelis de Cretser fiscael van’t Fort de Goede Hoope aen Cabo de Boa Esperance ex offitio eij:[sch]ere

ende accusam

Hans Christoffel Snijman soldaet

alhier bescheijdere ge[apre]h[endeerd]:e ende

geaccuseerde

Gedient den 30 Julij 1667

Hij seijde dat den ge[apre]h[endeerd]:e ende geaccuseerde sich soo verr had comt te verlopen, dat niet alleen regel recht jegens de ordnen van haer Ed.[del]e onse Superioren uit Patria benaemt, sich continueel ende insonderheijt des nachts in plaetse van op sijn bescheijde Corps- duguarde te slapen ten woonplaetse van seeckere bekende swarte meijt onthout, ende daerdoor oock sijn actuele dienst comt te versuijmen [inserted blijckende bij sekere attestatie toon ‘t gelooffwaerdige getuijenis daer over beleijt desen annex helsende] bovendien den verlede Manendach wesende den u:[re]e deser, op ditto Corps-duguarde, des Corp:[orae]l Pieter Sichvruich [Siegfried] [Jan Zachariasz: (from Amsterdam) replaces (26 May 1669) Pieter Siegfried as superintendent on Robben Island] verlijcke op desselffs recommandatie, (als dat voortaen, wanneer de nachts de waacht hadde, op sijne ordinaire koije soude slapen om alsoo op sijn uijr pennende hem te bequamen tot sijne plicht te cunne commanderen of’t anders gedwonge ronde weens hem vandaer te lichten alvorens qualijcke beijegende, hem corporael bij ‘t hoort te vatten ende hemael soo wat afteklopen, ‘welcke een saecke is, die van is seer quade gevolges laet aengemelt, ende oversulx in’t alderminste niet excusabele, soo concl.[ud]eert de eij.[sch]er in g.he voorsz dat den geh.e ende geaccuseerde, alhier ten example van andere van sall genoiptivorden als van voor t’ gar op Robben Eijland  gebanne omme die tyt geduij ende aen ‘t schulpen dragen als andere gemene wercks te worden gebruijct, sonder gagie off dachgelt te winnen, nevens cof:[isca]tie van 3/m[aenden] gagie offte &a

368                                                                                                         168

SATURDAG 30EN JULIJ A[NN]O 1667

Present D’Heer Commandeur en verdere

Raed, behalven de borgerraden

Fiscus  eij.[sch]er ex officio

                                contra

Hans Christoffel Snijman

sold.[ae]t ge[apre]h[endeerd]:e ende geaccuseerde

Hij inscriptie concl.[udeere]n ter bij deselve

ge[apre]h[endeerd]:e overtuigt  zijnde bekent versocht gratie.

IS HEDEN GESENTENTIEERT

Namentl.[ijc]k dat den ge[apre]h[endeerd]:e voor 2 jaren op’t Robben Eijlant sal gebannen blijven behoudende zijn gagie, alvoren wel dat op er  van de Caffers gelaerst zijnde, boven de verbeurte van 2/m[aenden] gagie pro fisco.