Clara Anna Fontein – a radically transformed ‘safe space’?
by Mansell Upham
Arthur Elliott must’ve seen the future. And how could he like what he saw? One can see right through his Clara Anna Fontein lens … and portals – one that assuredly leads to a decolonized nether lala-land of desolation … But see what we have here! A post-colonial, gentrified renaissance, to be sure …
One website welcomes us into an inclusive and brave world of New-normal – “Durbanville’s most exclusive lifestyle security estate”. And Clara Anna Fontein’s history is conveniently reconfigured. Dumbed down. Framed, as it were. A ‘safe space’ … a wokist’s wet-dream, you might wonder …:
What’s in the name?
Some time ago … a gentleman by the name of Hendrik Olivier married the young Beatrix Verwey van Woerden, and they began their life together on a beautiful farm in bountiful Durbanville.
A few years later, Hendrik tragically passed away and Beatrix became the owner of the farm – and the first female farmer in the Cape. Before Hendrik Olivier’s passing, they were blessed with a beautiful daughter called Anna, born around the same time they started farming in this area! Shortly thereafter, they were blessed with a second daughter, called Clara, translated as Klare in Dutch, meaning clear. And the Fontein? Well, there is in fact a fountain on the land that flows strongly to this day!
To be sure:
No daughter named Clara ever existed. Olivier is anything but a gentleman. He (from Owerkerk) and his future mother-in-law Trijn Gansevanger (from Harmelen in’t sticht van Utrecht), hardy hillbilly pioneering types, are convicted of livestock theft. The couple start out on a farm in the Liesbeeck valley and their buijtenplaets only becomes available to them by 1701 where it is mentioned as being occupied with ownership not yet formalized. The farm is then granted (1702) to Olivier’s widow and its name is not found recorded during the duration of her ownership.
Beatrix sells the farm to Michiel Heyns Jr. whose father (from Leipzig) is, not only the founding father of the Heyns family in South Africa, but who also marries into a slave dynasty of sorts. His mother is Maria Schalks: (1663-1700) – none other than the Company slave-born Eurafrican who is seconded to the slave-descended Commander (later Governor) Simon van der Stel and daughter of one of the Cape’s earliest imported slaves – the Ethiopian slave woman Koddo aka Cornelia Arabus van Abissina, fathered by Willem Schalksz: van der Merwe – the founding father of the ubiquitous Van der Merwe family in South Africa. His parents baptize him Michiel Africanus thereby affirming their inextricable ties to the African continent and defying (unbeknownst to them) current attempts to ‘de-Africanize’ non-Bantu-speaking South Africans. His father, starts out a wealthy man, but pays dearly for his loyalty to the Van der Stels.
It is during the time of his ownership that we find the farm recorded as Clara Anna Fontein. He marries a double niece of the farm’s previous owner, Aletta Olivier. She is the daughter of Ockert Cornelisz: Olivier and Aletta (Aeltie) Gijsberts: Verwey. Her father (when still a knecht) commits adultery and spawns two bastard children by his master’s wife who become established ancestors in their own right. His besmirched offspring are mostly relegated to a subaltern colonial space in which they are left to intermingle with freed slaves.
But what about Clara Fontein? And just who, by the way, is Clara Anna?
A cursory trek into our written up colonial past and falling back on whatever I have been able to salvage over half a century of relentless digging, have exorcised some tantalizing Cape ghosts of yore.
There was indeed one contemporary person actually recorded and known as Clara Anna: she was Clara Anna Harting (1706-1776).
Baptised (1 August 1706), she is the daughter of Maria (Marritie) Beyer by her 1st husband Johann (Jan) Harmensz: Harting (from Paderborn). She is also step-daughter to Jacob Frey / Vrey / Vry (from Solz), a farmer at Welgelegen, Bottelary, Stellenbosch; and after his death (1719), the step-daughter of Hans de Smit – Hans Jacob Conterman(n) / Konterman [Gundermann] (from Hadamar in Hesse-Nassau), widow of Anna Catharina Cleef, owner of the farm Vryburg at Bottelary, Groote Zalze and Vredenburgh at Stellenbosch and Cloetenburg (Portion 1 of Vergelegen) at the Hottentots-Holland [Somerset West], heemraad of Stellenbosch, lessee of wine and brandy licence for Stellenbosch and Drakenstein, who dies 11 August 1734.
Marritie Beyer is of interest – especially now that colonial slavery, ideologically reconfigured as a retroactive ‘crime against humanity’, is fast becoming increasingly politically triggered …
She is the daughter of the freed, patronymic-less, Cape-born Eurafrican Company slave Catharina (Catrijn) Wagenmakers: and her husband the retired Company wagonmaker Andreas Bayer / Beyer aus Saxen. Her mother features in the written record, not only insisting on her freedom as a half-caste and nursing the moribund daughter and infant (both named Catharina) of the free-black Anthonij Jansz: de Later van Bengale, but also for having her brothel summarily shut down.
Although we cannot link Clara Anna Harting (1706-1776) directly to Clara Anna Fontein, the proximity of Clara Anna Fontein to the farm Contermanskloof begs further investigation. There is one problem, however. The farm now known as Contermanskloof, and granted originally (1706) to the founder of the Slabber / Slabbert family, Floris Slabbert, is actually registered under the name Kliprug. No explanation has been found as to why the farm came to be known as Contermanskloof. In all likelihood, the present-day farm presumably takes its name from the kloof of that name which again, in all probability, is named after Hans de Smit, the heemraad who features prominently during the free-burgher struggle to remove Governor W.A. van der Stel who may have grazed his cattle in the area. Significantly – but perhaps also just coincidentally, 1706 is the year of Clara Anna Hartings’s birth and the same year that Contermanskloof is granted in private ownership.
Clara Anna Harting (1706-1776)
She is wife to Michiel Smuts (1702-1790) – in later years known as Michiel Smuts d’Oude, the youngest son of the progenitors of the Smuts family, Michiel Cornelisz: Smuts aka Michiel Ariaensen (from Loon-op-Zand, Brabant) and Cornelia Emael (from Simpelvelt, Limburg). In his lifetime Michiel Smuts d’Oude was adsistent, bookkeeper, Commissioner of Civil and Marriage Affairs, deacon, burgher–lieutenant, burgher ensign, 1st lieutenant of the Invalides, and one of the largest landowners and richest inhabitants of Cape Town. Of their nine children, the son Michiel Smuts (1730-1760), and his armigerous brother Johannes Smuts (1746-1809) and the daughter Maria Smuts (born 1748) – 2nd wife to Ds. Christiaan Fleck (1756-1820) whose property later houses Cape Town’s famous landmark hotel, the Mount Nelson, are particularly noteworthy.
It is the eldest son of Clara Anna Harting (1706-1776) – Michiel Smuts (1730-1760) – who is brutally murdered (14 July 1760) together with his wife Susanna de Cock [de Kock] and little son Michiel Smuts, at their place Rheezicht.
Smuts Family Murders
Official reaction to the murders is summed up the following day in the Council of Policy’s resolution (15 July 1760):
CA: C 138, pp. 348-353.
Dingsdag den 15 Julij 1760.
S’ voormiddags alle Present.
Dewijl eenige fugative en bij een gerotte Slaaven, die Zig een tijd lang hier omstreex de Tafel en windberg hebben opgehouden, tot die gruwelijke en overgegeevene boosheijd Zijn uijtgespat, om gisteren avond tusschen agt en Neegen uuren, den boekhouder Michiel Smuts, neevens desselfs huijsvrouw en een kleijn kind derselver, op d’ allerontmenschte wijze om ‘t leeven te brengen; en dat tot attrappeering dier booswigten, bereijts differente reijsen eenige manschappen uijt gesonden geweest zijnde,
Sonder deselve te hebben kunnen magtig werden, men dienvolgens met Reeden moet Suspicieeren, dat deselve met andere ondeugende Slaven, en wel de Sogen: houthaalders een ongeoorloofde Correspondentie voerende, van deselve hun onderhoud koomen t’ erlangen;
Is dierhalven, ten eijnde gem:[elde] boosdoenders de middelen af te snijden, waar door Zyl: nog langer Zouden kunnen vagabondeeren, en deselve des t’ eerder in handen te krijgen, goedgevonden, aan een ijgelijk Sonder onderscheijd bij affixie van billietten t’ interdiceeren en verbieden, om geene van haare Slaven tot het haalen van brandhout of om eenige andere Reedenen, naer de voorsz: hier omstreex leggende of andere gebergtens hoegenaamt uijt te Senden, op Pœne dat de meesters van Sodanige slaaf of Slaven die aldaar Sullen werden gevonden, niet alleen Zullen weesen vervallen in een boete van Een Hondert rijxd:s, maar dat ook dusdanige Slaven aan den Lijve Zullen werden gestraft;
Terwijl om d’ Ingeseeten in opzigt van hun benoodigt brandhout egter Soo veel moogelijk Zij, buijten verleegentheijd te Stellen, tot weederseggens toe, aan deselve Zal werden gepermitteerd, het voorsz: brandhout te moogen doen haalen, in de vlaktens over ‘t Zoute Rivier.
Boven het welke nog verstaan is, dat van ‘t vallen van den Avond af, tot soo lange het maar eenigsints duijster Zal Zijn, Sig Geene Slaaven op Straat Zullen moogen laaten vinden,
Sonder een Ligtend’ Lantaarn bij Zig te hebben, op Pœne van Vijf en Twintig Rijxdaalders boete voor den Meester, en dat Sodanigen slaaf bovens dien Scherpelijk Zal werden gecorrigeert.
Sijnde laatstelijk op het diesweegens gedaane versoek door Burgerraaden deeser Plaatse nog verstaan, dat bij de manschappen die uijt deese Caabse Burgerije, tot opsoeking der meergem:[elte] fugativen Zijn gecommandeert, vier militairen uijt dit guarnisoen, Sullen werden gevoegd, ten eijnde ingevalle gem: booswigten Zig in eenige der in ‘t gebergte leggende Spelonken mogten onthouden, deselve als dan met het werpen van handgranaten daar uijt te drijven: terwijl aan gem:[elte] gecommandeerde manschappen nog 5: à 6: ‘S[ijn] E[dele] Comp: leijfeijgenen tot het dragen van derselver Provisien Sullen werden bijgeset.
Aldus Geresolveerd ende Gearresteerd. In ‘t Casteel de goede Hoop Ten Daage en Jaare Voorsz:
P:V: Reede van Oudshoorn
R S Allemann
D:d D’ Aillij
O M Bergh R:t en Secret:s
And again by a 2nd resolution (17 July 1760):
CA: C 138, pp. 354-359.
Donderdag den 17 Julij 1760.
S’ voormiddags alle Present.
Op heeden in nadere overweeging genoomen weesende, van hoe grooten aangeleegentheijd het voor de rust en veijligheijd Soo van d’ ingeseetenen deeser Plaats, als die van ‘t Platte land komt te weesen, dat het bewuste, Zig bereijts aan moord en Roof Schuldig gemaakt hebbend’ Complot fugative Slaaven, spoediglijk agterhaald en uijtgeroeijd werd;
Is dierhalven verstaan, aan een ijder Sonder onderscheijd voor elk der voorsz: booswigten, die Zij dood of leevendig Sullen kunnen magtig worden, een Premie van Vijf en Twintig Rijxd:s uijt S’ E: Comp: Cassa toe te leggen.
Terwijl voorts ook noodsakelijk geoordeelt en dienvolgens beslooten is, dat bij ampliatie van het op eergisteren geaffigeerd’ billiet aan alle ende een ijgelijk deeser ingeseetenen op ‘t Scherpste Sal werden gelast en aanbevoolen, dat zij hunne Slaven tot het haalen van brandhout op de thans vergunde plaats koomende uijt te Senden, deselve alvoorens Zullen moeten voorsien, van een briefje, inhoudende de naamen der meesters, en op welken datum Zij deselve uijtsenden, welk briefje wijders niet alleen dagelijx vernieuwd, maar ook telkens, wanneer de Slaven met het hout van buijten opkomen, door deselve aan den Sergeant van de Patrouille wagt sal moeten werden afgegeeven; ten welken eijnde deselve dan ook geen anderen weg als voorbij de voorsz: Patrouille wagt Zullen moogen passeeren; op Pœne dat de Slaven die van geen behoorlijk briefje Zullen voorsien Zijn, immediaat aangehouden en aan de dienaaren der Justitie Sullen werden overgegeeven, om vervolgens Strengelijk te werden gecorrigeert, terwijl derselver Leijfheeren daar en boven ook zullen vervallen Zijn, in een boete van Vijf en Twintig rijd:s welke Pœnaliteijten inselvervoegen Sullen plaats hebben, ingevalle eenige der voorsz: houthaelders sullen werden geattrappeerd, dat Zij naar buijten gaande of van daar te rug koomende, een anderen weg als hier bevoorens is geordonneert, Sullen hebben genomen.
Gelijk al verder verstaan is, om bij renovatie der bevoorens deesen aangaande gestatueerde beveelen, een ijgelijk soo S’ Comp:s dienaaren als burgeren, wel expresselijk t’ ordonneeren, dat wanneer ijmand eenige slaaf of Slaven, maar even buijten deese Plaats of de buijten luijden van haare wooningen naar de Caab of elders komen af te Senden, om een boodschap of iets anders te verrigten, zij deselve telkens een briefje van dien eijgen dag gedateerd, Sullen meede geeven, met de naamen van derselver Lijfheer, vrouw ofte hun knegt onderteekend, en aanhaaling daar bij, waar heen Sodanigen slaaf gesonden werd, sullende andersints alle Slaaven die van geen diergelijk briefje voorsien Zijnde, Sullen worden gevonden, bij een ijgelijk als wegloopers mogen aangetast, en ‘t Zij aan den heer Independent Fiscaal of de resp: landdrosten opgebragt worden.
Aldus geresolveerd ende gearresteerd. In ‘t Casteel de goede hoop Ten Daage en Jaere voorsz:
P:V: Reede van Oudshoorn
R S Allemann
D:d D’ Aillij
O M Bergh R:t en Secret:s
A commando finally rounds up the fugitive slaves (27 July 1760) in a skirmish in which the following slaves are killed or mortally wounded:
- Fortuyn van Bugis and
- Baatjoe van Bugis
Twelve slaves are captured and later executed:
- Alexander van Bugis
- September van Bugis
- January van Bugis
- Upas van Bugis
- Jacob van Madagascar
- January van Macassar
- Mandhaar van Macassar
- Alexander van de Westcust
One slave is flogged and branded and placed 10 years in chains:
- Cupidon van Bengalen and
One slave is granted his freedom and the owner re-imbursed for collaborating with the colonial authorities:
- Boone van Bugis (slaaf van den Duijkelaar Paulus Beek) [see Resolution (19 August 1760)]
The SMUTS Family murders of 1760 at the place later known as Rheezicht as narrated by Robert Ross and Sirtjo Koolhof … 
At a basic level of narrative, the events of the winter of 1760 were common enough, although the actions of the slaves were perhaps more violent and the reaction of the authorities more extreme than was general. A group of slaves, some with particular grievances against their masters and others who were drawn into the gang more or less by chance, had run away and gathered on Table Mountain, that more or less liberated zone which looked down on the Dutch city of Cape Town.
They were led by Fortuin van Bugis, a slave of the burgher Cornelis Verwey, who had injured his master in a quarrel some six months earlier and therefore had had to flee to avoid what would have been capital punishment.
They decided that they needed to flee first to Hanglip, a traditional haven for escaped slaves on the other side of False Bay, and from there to the independent African kingdoms several hundred kilometres to the East.
In order to accomplish this journey, they would need to be armed. Therefore, on the night of 14 July, they reconnoitred the house of Michiel Smuts, a 30-year old Cape-born married man with three living children, who was an assistant and bookkeeper in the VOC service, and had also been a burgher commissioner in Cape Town’s civil administration before entering the Company’s service. His house lay high in Table Valley, in the area of modern Cape Town known as the Gardens.
The runaways met one of Smuts’s own slaves, Alexander van de West Cust (of Sumatra) [sic – Achilles – Alexander is not listed in the inventory for Michiel Smuts and Susanna de Cock / de Kock – the information appears to derive from the testimony of one of the other gang members named Alexander who testifies against Achilles], who told them that he had long wanted to kill his master, primarily because he objected to the punishment he had received after failing to sell some vegetables on the market in Cape Town.
After this he had run away, and lived for four months at Hout Bay, down the Cape Peninsula. He had been captured, and presumably punished again, so that his grievances against Smuts were considerable. During the period when he was on the run, or possibly earlier, Alexander [sic – Achilles] had come to know Fortuyn. Alexander [sic – Achilles] did everything he could to facilitate the attack, and the other slaves around the house, notably one Batjoe van Bali, were too intimidated to raise the alarm.
The gang broke into the house. They found Smuts and his wife, Susanna de Cock [de Kock], sitting in one of the richly furnished rooms of his house – they owned no less that 25 paintings and many silver and gold ornaments. They killed the two of them, and also their five year old son, Michiel, who had been aroused from sleep by the struggle and begun to scream. They then took off with 3 flintlock guns, some powder and shot, and also clothes, silver spoons and jewelry and some food.
After the attack, during which one of them, Baatjoe van Bugis, was wounded in the hand, they moved off round the slopes of the mountain and down the Devil’s Peak, then known as the Windberg. They crossed the Salt River at Paarden Eiland, and went north to hide in the dunes behind Blauwberg. There they met September van Bugis, a 50-year old slave of the widow of Adriaan Heuning and a shepherd on the farm of Platte Kloof at the western end of the Tijgerberg. He had indeed met Fortuyn when both were slaves in Batavia. September, who had a reputation as a doctor, did up Baatjoe’s hand, and in general provided them with food from the farm for a few days. They also stole sheep and collected mussels on the beach.
After a while, they attempted to cross the Cape flats to the Hottentots-Holland mountains and Hanglip, although September remained behind.
Immediately after the attack on Smuts’s house, the Cape government began taking measures to combat a danger whose extent they could not yet estimate. In any event, were the perpetrators of such an attack to escape punishment, then the regime of repression by which the slave-owners of the Cape ultimately maintained their authority over their slaves would be under threat. In this, of course, they were no different from all slave-owners throughout the European colonies, and no doubt much more widely. Thoroughly aroused to the danger, as they saw it, they immediately issued a plakkaat forbidding Cape Town’s slave-owners from sending their slaves up the mountain in order to collect firewood. In this way the authorities hoped to cut off communication between the gang and the slaves of the town, rightly seen as their source of provisions.
This edict proved to be too rigorous, as it would have cut the city off from its supplies of fuel, and caused hardship from the cold in the middle of the sharp Cape winter, as well as extinguishing and cooking fires, equally disrupting to normal life. As a result, the original edict was rescinded two days later, on 17 July, so as to permit slaves to go up the mountain, provided that they were issued with a suitable pass by their masters and showed this to the guard on the only road up the mountain which they were permitted to take. The instructions that slaves abroad at night in the town had to carry a lantern were reissued and strengthened. At the same time they offered a reward of 25 Rijksdaalders for information leading to the apprehension of the gang …
The gang’s journey across the Cape Flats was not successful.
First they were intercepted by a commando near the Blauwberg, and forced out of the hiding place they had adopted. From there they fled south-east, towards False Bay. However, they were unable, and perhaps unwilling, to avoid all contact with those slaves who were out in what were, ironically enough, known as the Maccasser dunes, near the tomb of Sheykh Yusuf. These slaves, who included one Boone van Bugis, were employed there as charcoal burners. They were robbed of their food and tobacco, but Boone was able to escape in the night, and brought information to Cape Town as to the gang’s whereabouts.
A commando was sent out after them, and on 27 July they were again attacked. In the ensuing fight, several members of the gang including both Fortuyn and Baatjoe van Bugis, were killed or mortally wounded.
Baatjoe, before he died, gave a considerable amount of information on the gang, including betraying September, who was later arrested and his personal chest searched. It was here that the letter was found. The others were brought to trial, condemned and 12 were executed, three of them –
- Alexander [sic – Achilles],
- September and
- January van Bugis
– with the extended punishments which the Dutch reserved for those who had committed particularly heinous crimes.
Achilles first had eight lumps of flesh removed with red-hot pincers before being broken on the wheel, January van Bugis and September were broken. None of these three received the coup de grâce to put them out of their misery.
January of Macassar was broken with the coup de grâce and the other nine were ‘merely’ hung.
Those who had been killed by the commando, or died in prison had their corpses quartered and distributed round the colony as a demonstration of Company power and a warning to other slaves.
Only one of those condemned, Cupido van Bengalen [sic – van Bougis according to his master`s inventory], whose participation had been minimal, escaped death, being flogged, branded and sentenced to spend 10 years in chains.
For his part in betraying the gang, Boone was granted his freedom, and his master reimbursed.
The details were of course different from other events, but the basic pattern – the actions of a band of slaves against a house or farm in the Cape Colony, the attempt to flee to the east, the brutal repression by the Cape authorities – was common enough. Nevertheless, the authorities suspected a Bugis plot, which would confirm their worst fears about the danger of this particular group of slaves.
They were not entirely mistaken.
Of the 15 members of the group whose names and origins are known, seven, including the leader, were described as ‘van Boegis’, and two others, Manus van Mandhaar and January van Macassar, came from the island of Sulawesi. The others, however, included a Sumatran, a man from Sumbawa, a Bengali, a man from the Malabar coast, a Malagasy and one born at the Cape, though this last could understand Malay, and perhaps a bit of Bugis.
Moreover, as we have seen, it was a Bugis, Boone, who betrayed the fugitives.
As a result of their fears, the Cape criminal investigators paid considerable attention to what they seemed to think of as a Bugis sub-culture in and around Cape Town. In particular, they questioned September, who they thought of as at the centre of a network, most thoroughly.
Two matters stand out in the report of his interrogation. The first is one of the very rare examples, at least as far as the Cape is concerned, of first-generation slaves attempting to build up, or to recreate, kinship relations. It is not so much that September had called Fortuyn his ‘brother’, even though he admitted to the interrogators that they did not have any actual family relationship. Rather, this was ‘the custom among the Buginese’. Equally, mainly because of his age, September was also addressed by the other slaves on Platte Kloof as ‘father’.
While September characterized the use of these kinship terms correctly as a Bugis custom, it is more widespread than that. It is a general custom of the peoples of the archipelago. In Malay, for example, we find the terms for father, mother and brother / sister generally used for addressing people of older or the same age as the speaker. On the other hand he had adopted January, a man from Macassar some 17 years younger than him, as his son. There are thus indications, slight though they are, that some slaves at least combatted the atomisation of their enslavement using idioms which they had brought with them from, in this case, the Indonesian archipelago.
The 2nd matter concerned the interrelated questions of September’s literacy … and his medical practice. He is described as ‘spitting on [Baatjoe’s] wound in the Buginese manner’, and then binding it up with a handkerchief. Furthermore, as was pointed out, the letter from Upas, just about the only letter written by a slave at the Cape which has survived, was found in his chest.
The SMUTS Family murders of 1760 at the place later known as Rheezicht as narrated by Karel Schoeman (relying on Margaret Cairns) …
A case of extreme violence committed by deserters in the immediate vicinity of the town and arousing particular panic in the Table Valley was the murder of Michiel Smuts andd his family in 1760 by a band of 15 deserters belonging to various owners who had absconded at various times, joined forces on Table Mountainand and formed a group: Fortuijn van Boegies, a slave who had absconded after having wounded his master, Cornelis Verweij, with a knife, was elected as their leader. One of them was shot and killed when the group successfully resisted arrest, and another after he had tried to steal a sheep from the kraal of Jacob van Reenen (1727-1793), but the remaining 13 intended escaping to ‘the land of the Caffers [Transkei].
Among the group there was one Cupido van Boegies, who suggested that they obtain arms for themselves before leaving by robbing and killing his former master, Michiel Smuts, whose house was conveniently isolated. Cupido moreover was able to obtain the active co-operation of another of Smut`s slaves, Achilles van de Westkust, who had a grievance against Smuts, having absconded after being ‘scolded for failing to sell his master`s produce in the town’. As Margaret Cairns remarks: `What form the scolding had taken was not divulged, but in view of the escape and the aftermath it is felt that it was rather more than verbal`. ‘Yes!’, Achilles is alleged to have declared, ‘I`ve been wanting to kill my master for a long time, and now he`s going to die!’
Smuts, a Company official with the rank of Bookkeeper, lived with his wife and their three children in one of the so-called gardens on the slopes above the town, on the site of the of the present Rheezicht in Gorge Road, in the modern suburb of Oranjezicht, where he seems to have farmed on a modest scale, and the probate inventory of his estate provides some interesting information on the life of these well-to-do petty landowners on the outskirts of the town. The family’s house consisted of four rooms and a kitchen, and on the premises there were a barn and a stable, as well as two horses, a saddle horse, three cows, a cart and gardening equipment. Finally, Smuts owned seven male slaves, two women and three ‘boys’; but in the inventory the name Cupido van Boegies was subsequently annotated `Absent`, and still later `Killed by the commando`, and that of Agillis van Nias, elsewhere called Achilles van de Westkust, `Sentenced to death`, these being the two who had taken part in the murder.
One Winter evening after dark, when only an elderly slave called Baatjoe van Bali seems to have been in attendance, the murderers entered the house by the kitchen and burst into the voorhuis, which appears to have been in use as a living and reception room in the old-fashioned style, the contents including 13 chairs and two tables, besides porcelain, paintings, a pipe rack, tea-and coffeemaking equipment and two birdcages. In this domestic setting Smuts, who was busy writing, was killed, together with his wife seated beside him and a little boy who was asleep on a chair, after which the murdered robbed the house, taking guns, powder, lead, clothing, linen and silver spoons, and fled to the Blaauwberg dunes with their booty. It is not clear where the other slaves were, or the remaining two Smuts children [Susanna Margaretha Smuts and Servaas Josias Smuts], who were respectively three years and five months old and survived.
Achilles later declared that he had intended to kill only his master, not his mistress and the child. ‘In addition to the fatal stab wounds’, notes Mrs Cairns, however, `both parents had other serious injuries from different types of weapons which indicated more than one killer`, which seems to indicate a good deal of accumulated resentment, if not against Smuts personally, then against the slave-owning class they represented in general.
The Council of Policy was naturally horrified by these events, and probably not only by the murders themselves but also the fact that they had occurred so near to the town and the castle, presenting a shameless challenge to authority represented by the latter. It met on the day after the killings, and again two days later, to fire off a set of prohibitions against slaves being sent to fetch wood in the mountains, where the deserters had taken refuge, and stipulating once again that slaves sent out by their masters should be provided with a note to identify them and after dark should carry a lighted lantern.
The deserters were pursued, and all of them either killed during the pursuit or after capture, or else tried and sentenced to death. With regard to the two men who had belonged to Smuts, Cupido was killed by the commando sent out after the slaves, as noted in the inventory, while Achilles was sentenced to have pieces of his flesh pinched in eight places with red-hot pincers, and afterwards to be broken on the cross without the coup de grâce.
 Arthur Elliott (New York City 1870–Cape Town 20 November 1938) – South African photographer who records the architecture and daily life of the Cape taking over 10,000 photographs of Cape Dutch architecture, creating an unrivalled pictorial record of early 20th century buildings at the Cape.
 They have the following children:
(1) Gysbert (1678-1730)
(2) Cornelis (1679-1713)
(3) Cornelia (Neeltie) baptised 21 September 1681 – she is the victim of an attempted rape by her convicted maternal grandmother’s slave Robbert van Batavia; marries (1stly) Cent Jantz: (from Leiden), widower and master gardener; marries (2ndly) Christiaan Sprigt (4) Johannes (Jan) baptised 7 November 1683; marries 18 April 1717 Helena Burger
(5) Arend (Aart) baptised (1688-1737); marries 16 April 1730 Helena du Toit, widow of E.F. de Swart
(6) Johanna / Anna (Annietie) (1691-1716); marries Jan H. Cloeten
(7) Gerrit (1693-1746); marries 30 April 1730 Maria Magdalena van der Westhuizen
(8) Ockert (1696-ante 1718)
(9) Beatrix baptised 9 may 1698 marries 5 September 1721 Pieter van der Westhuizen.
 On the former island of Duiveland, Zeeland, Netherlands.
 Cape Archives (CA): Court of Justice (CJ) 780 (Criminal Sentences 1652-1697), no. 147, pp. 574-676 (22 September 1673); CA: C 11 (Resolutions of Council of Policy, pp. 97-104, Dingsdagh 23 November 1677).
 … een stuck land met daaropstaande timmerragien, leggende in de Tigerbergen wort meede bij de boedelhoutster bebout en met vee beleid; waar van tot nogh toe geen ervgrondbriev van en is, maar staat gegeven te worden … [(CA): MOOC8/1, no. 65 (30 June 1701)].
 Also recorded as Clara Annaas Fonteijn. … Sijnde vervolgens meede de onder uijtgedrukte landerijen, alle in de Tijgerbergen geleegen, teegens vier schellingen voor ijder morgen jaarelijx voor den tijd van vijftien agtereenvolgende jaaren op het daarom gedaane versoek in erfpagt uijtgegeven geworden, namentlijk aan … Michiel Heijns 12 morgen 143 roeden bij zijn plaats Clara Annaas Fonteijn; … [CA: C 90, pp. 114-120 (Donderdag den 2e October 1732, voormiddags)].
 Baptized Marritie Cape 19 December 1683. The witnesses are: Douwe Gerbrants: Steyn (from Leeuwarden) – Michiel Heyns Jr.’s step-mother’s 1st husband, and Maria van der Westhuizen, born Winkelhausen (from Burgsteinfurt (Westphalia).
 Mansell G. Upham, ‘In Hevigen woede…Part I: Groote Catrijn: Earliest recorded female bandiet at the Cape of Good Hope – a study in upward mobility’, Capensis, no. 3 of 1997, pp. 8-33; Part II: Christoffel Snijman: his curious origins and ambiguous position in early Cape colonial society’, Capensis, no. 4 of 1997, pp. 29-35. See also: http://www.e-family.co.za/ffy/RemarkableWriting/UL14CapeMothers.pdf
 Dr Ute A Seemann, ARCHAEOLOGICAL / HISTORICAL RESEARCH REPORT: The farm “Contermanskloof”– portion 5 of the farm Kliprug No 198 Administrative District of the Cape (July 2015). https://www.hwc.org.za/system/tdf/Projects/Files/2.Contermanskloof%20report%20for%20print.pdf?file=1&type=node&id=408&force=
 P.J. Smuts, Die Smuts-Familie van die Swartland (private publication, – Boland Drukpers, Wellington – no date).
 CA: MOOC 8/10, no. 9 (Inventory: Michiel Smuts d’Jonge & Susanna de Cock); CA: MOOC 10/8, no. 43 (Vendu Rollen: Michiel Smuts d’Jonge & Susanna de Cock); CA: C 138 (Resolutions of the Council of Policy, 15 July 1760, 17 July 1760, and 19 August 1760); Margaret Cairns, `Smuts family murders – 14.7.1760`, Cabo, vol. 3 (2), pp. 13-16; P.J. Smuts, Die Smuts-Familie van die Swartland (private publication – Boland Drukpers, Wellington – no date); Nigel Worden & Gerald Groenewald (eds.), Trials of Slavery, selected documents concerning slaves from the criminal records of the Council of Justice at the Cape of Good Hope, 1705-1794 (Van Riebeeck Society, Cape Town 2005), pp. 355-384 & p. 335, n. 2; Sirtjo Koolhof & Robert Ross, `Upas, September and the Bugis at the Cape of Good Hope; the context of a slave`s letter`, Archipel; etudes interdisciplinaires sur le monde insulindien 70 (Paris 2005), pp. 281-308; Karel Schoeman, Portrait of a Slave Society: The Cape of Good Hope, 1717-1795 (Protea Book House, Pretoria 2012), pp. 555-557.
 Sirtjo Koolhof & Robert Ross, `Upas, September & the Bugis at the Cape of Good Hope; the context of a slave`s letter`, Archipel; etudes interdisciplinaires sur le monde insulindien 70 (Paris 2005), pp. 281-308.
 Karel Schoeman, Portrait of a Slave Society: The Cape of Good Hope, 1717-1795 (Protea Book House, Pretoria 2012), pp. 555-557.